Witnesses are providing Congress with the record of presidential misbehavior it needs.
Has the expectation that presidents will act in a public-spirited matter now also become a partisan stance?
The president’s critics and his defenders spent the week debating rules.
One way or another, members of Congress should condemn Trump’s abuses of power. By defending his own misdeeds as no big deal, he is eroding norms of acceptable presidential behavior.
The attorney general misled the public in seven key ways.
A careful reading of the dense document delivers some urgent insights.
Judge the attorney general by what he ultimately sends to Congress.
No one knows when it will actually “wrap up”—or what it will mean when it does.
It’s a big deal.
May 9, 2017, could turn out to be the most consequential day in the history of this presidency.
William Barr’s statements raise serious questions, but he appears far more qualified than the other candidates that Trump reportedly considered for the post.
It won’t be a single news event that takes down the president.
The prospects for interference are dimmer than many imagine.
This is an article I never imagined myself writing, that I never wanted to write, that I wish I could not write.
The question isn’t whether he can win confirmation—it’s whether he can defend against the charge he faces in a manner that is both persuasive and honorable.
It wasn’t what Michael Cohen alleged in court, or the conviction of his campaign chair.
Partisanship won out—and the contagion is spreading.
The president isn’t above the law, whatever his lawyers may claim—but prosecutors will face an unusually high burden to prove any misconduct.
The president’s alarming Sunday tweet could genuinely produce a crisis between the White House, on the one hand, and the Justice Department and the FBI, on the other.
The Comey memos are more revealing than they seem.