How nations that go to war perceive themselves
Every president of the postwar era longed for the approval of Walter Lippmann, the voice of the Eastern establishment. Here, Lippmann praised Kennedy for avoiding nuclear war during the Cuban missile crisis.
In July, 1961, the ATLANTICpublished a Special Supplement, Psychiatry in American Life, (now available in book form) in which the majority of the contributors were psychoanalytically oriented. In July of this year we returned to the subject of mental illness with the deliberate intent of discussing other forms of treatment, and of inquiring into the present care and needs of the community. Those analysts who have angrily resisted the criticism we brought to bear should remember that our approach has not been one-sided and that medical procedure, now as at the time of the famous Flexner Report, must be open to the public inspection both by the professional and the layman. Our issue on Disturbed Americans has been more widely read than any other this year, and the responses to it, only a fraction of which we can publish, manifest the deep concern of a conscientious public. — The Editor
Realizing that WALTER LIPPMANN is our foremost political analyst, West Germany’s lively weekly DER SPIEGEL sent one of their editors to Washington to ask those questions which every German in the East and West zones would like to have answered. Taken together, Mr. Lippmann’s answers form a philosophy for tomorrow.
Those of a skeptical nature in the United Kingdom and in France have raised the question of whether the United States could be trusted to defend the NATO countries in all contingencies, and if not, whether it might be wiser to have a nuclear striking force of European origin. This is Walter Lippmann's resounding answer.
In his famous book u.s. FOREIGN POLICY, which did so much to reshape the thinking of millions of Americans during World War II, WALTER LIPPMANN first pul forward the concept of the Atlantic community. In this paper he speaks of the only way in which he believes this community can effectively be strengthened.
On his seventieth birthday, WALTER LIPPMANN,speaking to an overflow meeting of the National Press Club, defined the new and changing responsibilities of the Washington correspondent. For his acumen and the accuracy of his analysis he received a standing ovation. This is what he said.
Philosopher and our leading political analyst, WALTER LIPPMANN has had from the first serious reservations about the containment policy as it was applied by Secretary of Stale Dean Acheson and then by Secretary Dulles. In this paper Mr. Lippmann examines the thesis which was put forth by George Kennan in his Reith Lectures over BBC, an argument tchtch has had a far-reaching effect throughout Western Europe and particularly in West Germany.
In his new book, The Public Philosophy, which has just been published, WALTER LIPPMANN has analyzed the reasons for the drastic impairment of the power to govern which has imperiled the western democracies during the past four decades. He shows that this deterioration began before 1914, that Lord Bryce saw the warning signs in 1920; and he shows how deep-seated the disorder has become since 1938. The great question to which he addresses himself is whether this decline can be checked and to what extent Democracy can renew its strength. This is the last of three excerpts we have drawn from Mr. Lippmann‘s book.
In his new hook, The Public Philosophy, which has just been published, WALTER LIPPMANNhas analyzed the reasons for the drastic impairment of the power to govern which has imperiled the western democracies during the past four decades. He shows that this deterioration began before 1914, that Lord Bryce saw the warning signs in 1920; and he shows how deep-seated the disorder has become since 1938. The great question to which he addresses himself is whether this decline can be checked and to what extent Democracy can renew its strength. This is the second of three excerpts we shall draw, from Mr. Lippmann’s book.
In his new book, The Public Philosophy, which will he published this month, WALTER LIPPMAN has made a forceful analysis of the gravest issue of our time, the steady impairment of the power to govern which has imperiled the western democracies during the past Jour decades, He shows that this deterioration began before 1914, that Lord Bryce saw the warning signs in 1920: and he shows how deep-seated the disorder has become since 1938. The great question to which he addresses himself in the later chapters is whether this decline can be checked and to what extent Democracy can renew its strength. The deep seriousness with which Mr. Lippmann writes will be seen in this, the first of three excerpts we shall draw from his book.
In the article which follows, WALTER LIPPMANN,philosopher,author, and political analyst, driers home the fact that education is just as vital to our survival as military defense. The effort,“ he says, ” we are making to educate ourselves as a people is not nearly equal to our needs or our responsibilities,” and he asks for a radical adjustment before it is too late. This was the rousing address which Mr. Lippmann gave at the fifth annual dinner of the National Citizens’ Commission for the Public. Schools in San Francisco on March 19.
The most widely respected analyst of American foreign policy, WALTER LIPPMANNhas for the past two years been pounding home the truth that this country must not undertake commitments which ice cannot back up. It the Atlantic’s urging in late December he set forth what he believes to be the fundamental program for our survival. Mr. Lippmann was the first to define the “Atlantic Community.” He began writing about that constellation of nations in 1917, and he has never lost faith in its power and validity. In the face of our present perilous tlilemrna, here is what he recommends.
In late September, shortly after the annuncement that the Russians had the atomic bomb, WALTER LIPPMANN left Washington on an extended trip to II ester,, Germane, France, the Middle East, and South Asia. On hisIns return he felt under the increasing necessity of rdefining the Atllantic Community in the face of present realities. This he has done in a series of talls, the first at the Institute of Aeronautical Sciences, again on the occasion of the Newton D. Baker Memorial Lecture in Cleveland, and still more recently at the American Council of Foreign Relations in Chicago. The article which follows is the development of his main points.
The transcendent question facing the American people today is “What about Russia?" The Atlantic has invited the two leading writers on foreign and military affairs, WALTER LIPPMANN and HANSON W. BALDWIN,to discuss the situation realistically. Each has studied the possibility of war with Russia, each has weighed the cost and the alternative. Political economist and author whose widely read column has been syndicated by the New York Herald Tribune since 1932, Walter Lippmann has published three of his penetrating books under the AtlanlicLittle, Brown imprint: The Good Society (1937), U. S. Foreign Policy (1943), and U. S. War Aims (1944).
It was after several visits to the National Gallery in Washington to see the paintings from the Berlin galleries that WALTER LIPPMAN, made newly aware of the inaccessibility of most great works of art, reached these conclusions about the museum of the future. This paper is the substance of an address delivered at the annual meeting of the American Association of Museums
Thirty years ago as a young assistant to President Wilson, WALTER LIPPMANN played a formative part in drafting the Fourteen Points. Since then,as a political analyst,he has observed the American people as they pledged themselves to disarm, to outlaw war, to be neutral at all costs. Now, after a second war for which we were unprepared, he has come to believe that an error in our philosophy prevents us from forming an effective foreign policy. This article is the Phi Beta Kappa address he recently delivered at the College of William and Mary.