As a young congressman, Gingrich figured out how to weaponize cable TV.
The system of government gets in the country’s way.
In the fight over Indiana’s Bloody Eighth, Democrats won the seat, but lost the larger narrative.
Anti-Semitism in the U.S. is nothing new. Still, it’s shocking to hear coded language—whatever the intention—come from the top.
The president has built his approach around a simple proposition: Republicans will always come home.
The senator once said that perjury should merit removal for any high-level government official.
Instead of placing their faith in the resilience of the system, ordinary voters are going to have to step up and restore the constitutional balance of power.
Trump’s embrace of one of Richard Nixon’s most notorious moves poses a question: Will voters still hold a president accountable for abusing his power?
Trump’s claim that journalists can incite conflict isn’t borne out by the historical evidence.
In 1973, Nixon was confident the secret White House recordings would help his cause. That’s not how it worked out.
The right has demonstrated that winning this kind of institutional fight takes years, even decades, and requires a ruthless disposition.
Today’s protesters are reviving the tactics of the anti-Vietnam War movement of the 1960s and ’70s—with similarly mixed results.
Years before it began its annual dinner, the White House Correspondents’ Association started as an effort to hold the president accountable to the press—a mission as urgent as ever.
Paul Ryan’s departure shows how far Congress has come from the heyday of House leaders who tightly controlled their chamber.
The one consistent message coming out of the White House was born in the 1970s: Don’t trust any institution.
The success of the 1963 March on Washington hinged on a confluence of factors—several of which the student-led March for Our Lives won’t have.
The former president’s reticence in the Trump era is only hurting his party.
Complexity, partisanship, and a strong presidential narrative insulated Ronald Reagan from meeting the same fate as Richard Nixon, and those factors could also protect Donald Trump.
President Clinton showed that with persistence and leadership, legislative restrictions on firearms are attainable.
Lyndon B. Johnson was an effective policymaker but failed to protect his legacy—much in the same way Obama’s is being toppled today.