A special project on the constitutional debates in American life, in partnership with the National Constitution Center
Support for this project was provided by the Madison Initiative of the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation. (More)
Equality premised on the power to end life is not true equality at all.
Republicans are surely learning a lesson: An impeachable offense is what you say it is.
And a resulting acquittal verdict would present Americans with something far worse than a constitutional crisis.
A case now before the Fifth Circuit threatens to upend the laws that enable Native self-governance.
Protesters gathered at the Virginia state capitol on Monday to exercise their First Amendment rights, but they did so in a way that took away the First Amendment rights of others.
The president’s job is to oversee the whole of the executive branch, but under Trump the inverse is happening.
One civil servant will determine whether the ERA gets added to America’s founding document—the question is which authority he’ll turn to for guidance.
Somebody has to determine whether the ERA is valid or not, and without quite saying so, the Department of Justice is claiming that person is none other than Attorney General Bill Barr.
A repealed amendment and generations of Supreme Court rulings have left the constitutional regulation of private behavior in the past. Will it stay there?
There is a plan that can get the country closer to having a national popular election for president within the current constitutional framework, and without the need for a constitutional amendment.
Thirty-seven states still have Blaine Amendments on the books. The Supreme Court now has a chance to get rid of them for good.
Congress has a number of tools it can—and should—wield to rein in the president.
But it still should matter more than it does.
If Congress fails to respond effectively, the constitutional order will be broken beyond repair, and the president will be left with the unmitigated power to take the country to war on his own—anywhere, anytime, for any reason.
John Adams worried that “a division of the republic into two great parties … is to be dreaded as the great political evil.” And that’s exactly what has come to pass.
What exactly is abuse of power? And, for that matter, what is “obstruction of Congress”?
The country’s armed services can be an important check against lawlessness in the civilian executive. But correcting bad presidential policy is a job the Constitution leaves to Congress.
Groups of citizens regularly exercise the right to assemble, but too often American political and cultural leaders ignore it.
The Twenty-Fifth Amendment was never meant to be used to remove a terrible—albeit alert—president from office. But that’s not what the country has learned from Hollywood.
The Founding Father’s account of the Constitutional Convention includes a famous conversation about causes for impeachment. But the relevant portion of his notes isn’t what it seems.
Dishonesty and disinformation have become regular features of America’s national discourse, but under oath, truth still matters.