These strategists are looking at Trump’s increasingly bellicose attacks against Cruz with glee. In their view, only Trump can successfully put a dent in Cruz’s sky-high favorability among Republicans, which is a precondition to blocking him from the nomination.
But there’s one big problem with the theory being embraced by many party pooh-bahs. It risks handing the election to Trump on a silver platter—helping knock out his strongest rival while watching helplessly as more-moderate alternatives blow each other up in the process. The wishful thinking behind such a strategy is that Cruz is utterly unelectable, while Trump is unpredictable enough to win a general election. In reality, Cruz looks like an electable standard-bearer, while Trump could blow the party to smithereens.
Cruz, despite being loathed by his colleagues in Washington, is a better general-election candidate than his detractors believe. His general election favorability ratings are currently respectable, and he runs competitively with Clinton in early matchups. His professional resume and academic credentials are exceptional. The political environment for Democrats is dismal, and is as ill-suited for an establishment figure like Hillary Clinton as it is for a hardline conservative. Despite their differences, Cruz’s voting record in the Senate is not dissimilar from Rubio’s. Both have near-equal vote ratings from the Chamber of Commerce, American Conservative Union, and Club for Growth. And if Cruz is as phony as his critics argue—former McCain adviser Mark Salter wrote, “I don’t think any senator really believes Ted Cruz is a conviction politician, save for his conviction that he ought to be president”—he would likely inch to the middle in a general election.
Trump, on the other hand, is a well-defined celebrity with the worst favorability ratings of anyone running. He loses to both Clinton and Sanders in general-election matchups. His nomination would do more to spur Hispanic voters to the polls than any Democratic get-out-the-vote operation. Any gains he’d make among working-class white voters would be more than offset by the swing-state suburban voters that he’s already alienated. Some opportunistic Republican supporters would jump on a Trump bandwagon, but he’d tear the party from its conservative moorings, as National Review argued in a special issue last week.
It’s a clear sign of how emotion is clouding strategic thinking when The New York Times reports that many Cruz critics believe it would be “preferable to rent the party to Trump for four months … than risk turning it over to Cruz for at least four years.” Some Republicans admit they’d rather lose to Hillary Clinton than win with Cruz. That’s a remarkable statement.
The alternate view of the primary is one I laid out in the Hotline this month, arguing that Trump is a momentum candidate—and his success depends on the perception of strength. Throughout the campaign, his strong poll numbers have undergirded the endless media coverage he’s received and sucked attention from his rivals. They’ve been the hook at his campaign rallies. So if he’s defeated by Cruz in Iowa—even after leading in the latest round of polls—he suddenly looks like a loser. That doesn’t mean his support disappears, but it would allow the other candidates to reorient the race in their favor. Most importantly, it prevents an early Trump two-fer in Iowa and New Hampshire. Trump himself clearly views the race the same way, camping out in Iowa in the final stretch of the campaign instead of strategically lowering expectations in his weakest state.
