Watch the Six Most Memorable Moments of the GOP Debate
The draw of all these Republican debates is the chance to see how the candidates act unscripted, and Tuesday night we learned that under pressure, some forget their name while others spill state secrets.
The draw of all these Republican debates is the chance to see how the candidates act unscripted, and Tuesday night we learned that under pressure, some forget their name while others spill state secrets. We've collected the best video clips from the foreign policy-focused event, hosted by CNN and two conservative think tanks.
Mitt Romney forgets his name
When Wolf Blitzer introduced himself at the start of the debate, he said, "I'm Wolf Blitzer, and yes, that's my real name" -- a reference to a joke dates back at least to a Saturday Night Live skit from the first Gulf War. But Romney thought that was pretty funny, so when it was his turn to introduce himself, he said, "I'm Mitt Romney and yes, Wolf, that's also my first name." Except it isn't! It's Willard.
Michelle Bachmann releases state secrets?
When Bachmann said Pakistan had 15 vulnerable nuclear sites, and six had been been attacked by terrorists, National Journal's Yochi J. Dreazen noticed that no public official has ever revealed those attacks before. Bachmann sits on the House Intelligence Committee -- did she reveal classified information? It's not a great sign for Bachmann that the alternative theory is that she's made those figures up, as she has a history of making factually inaccurate statements. Update: Actually, we now know that the statement was accurate ... because it came from Jeffrey Goldberg and Marc Ambinder's recent cover story in The Atlantic that and her line that Pakistan is "too nuclear to fail." Here is Goldberg's explanation of how their work became a Bachmann debate talking point.
When Blitzer asked Cain whether he'd adopt profiling policy like Santorum, Cain responded, "No Blitz, that's oversimplifying it." Ron Paul scoffed, though not at the name mistake. Cain goes on to insist his "targeted profiling" is not the same as racial profiling, but gradually his flub sinks in. "I'm sorry, Blitz, I meant Wolf, okay? Blitz, Wolf... Since we're on a blitz debate, I'll apologize..."
Jon Huntsman and Romney fight over Afghanistan
"Are you suggesting, Governor, that we take all our troops out next week?" Romney asked. "Did you hear what i just said?" Huntsman responded, rather testily. These two good-looking wealthy Mormon ex-governors might have a lot in common, but they don't seem to like each other very much.
Newt Gingrich risks angering conservative voters on immigration
Gingrich came out against breaking up families of illegal immigrants who've been here for decades, which, yes, is considered a major policy shift these days. "I'm prepared to take for saying let's be humane in enforcing the law," Gingrich said.
This article is from the archive of our partner The Wire.
A tanker that sank off the Chinese coast was carrying “condensate,” a mix of molecules with radically different properties than crude.
Over the last two weeks, the maritime world has watched with horror as a tragedy has unfolded in the East China Sea. A massive Iranian tanker, the Sanchi, collided with a Chinese freighter carrying grain. Damaged and adrift, the tanker caught on fire, burned for more than a week, and sank. All 32 crew members are presumed dead.
Meanwhile, Chinese authorities and environmental groups have been trying to understandthe environmental threat posed by the million barrels of hydrocarbons that the tanker was carrying. Because the Sanchi was not carrying crude oil, but rather condensate, a liquid by-product of natural gas and some kinds of oil production. According to Alex Hunt, a technical manager at the London-based International Tanker Owners Pollution Federation, which assists with oil spills across the world, there has never been a condensate spill like this.
Advocates are tracking new developments in neonatal research and technology—and transforming one of America's most contentious debates.
The first time Ashley McGuire had a baby, she and her husband had to wait 20 weeks to learn its sex. By her third, they found out at 10 weeks with a blood test. Technology has defined her pregnancies, she told me, from the apps that track weekly development to the ultrasounds that show the growing child. “My generation has grown up under an entirely different world of science and technology than the Roe generation,” she said. “We’re in a culture that is science-obsessed.”
Activists like McGuire believe it makes perfect sense to be pro-science and pro-life. While she opposes abortion on moral grounds, she believes studies of fetal development, improved medical techniques, and other advances anchor the movement’s arguments in scientific fact. “The pro-life message has been, for the last 40-something years, that the fetus … is a life, and it is a human life worthy of all the rights the rest of us have,” she said. “That’s been more of an abstract concept until the last decade or so.” But, she added, “when you’re seeing a baby sucking its thumb at 18 weeks, smiling, clapping,” it becomes “harder to square the idea that that 20-week-old, that unborn baby or fetus, is discardable.”
Corporate goliaths are taking over the U.S. economy. Yet small breweries are thriving. Why?
The monopolies are coming. In almost every economic sector, including television, books, music, groceries, pharmacies, and advertising, a handful of companies control a prodigious share of the market.
The beer industry has been one of the worst offenders. The refreshing simplicity of Blue Moon, the vanilla smoothness of Boddingtons, the classic brightness of a Pilsner Urquell, and the bourbon-barrel stouts of Goose Island—all are owned by two companies: Anheuser-Busch InBev and MillerCoors. As recently as 2012, this duopoly controlled nearly 90 percent of beer production.
This sort of industry consolidation troubles economists. Research has found that the existence of corporate behemoths stamps out innovation and hurts workers. Indeed, between 2002 and 2007, employment at breweries actually declined in the midst of an economic expansion.
The stability of American society depends on conservatives finding a way forward from the Trump dead end.
Election 2016 looked on paper like the most sweeping Republican victory since the Jazz Age. Yet there was a hollowness to the Trump Republicans’ seeming ascendancy over the federal government and in so many of the states. The Republicans of the 1920s had drawn their strength from the country’s most economically and culturally dynamic places. In 1924, Calvin Coolidge won almost 56 percent of the vote in cosmopolitan New York State, 65 percent in mighty industrial Pennsylvania, 75 percent in Michigan, the hub of the new automotive economy.
Not so in 2016. Where technologies were invented and where styles were set, where diseases cured and innovations launched, where songs were composed and patents registered—there the GOP was weakest. Donald Trump won vast swathes of the nation’s landmass. Hillary Clinton won the counties that produced 64 percent of the nation’s wealth. Even in Trump states, Clinton won the knowledge centers, places like the Research Triangle of North Carolina.
Allegations against the comedian are proof that women are angry, temporarily powerful—and very, very dangerous.
Sexual mores in the West have changed so rapidly over the past 100 years that by the time you reach 50, intimate accounts of commonplace sexual events of the young seem like science fiction: You understand the vocabulary and the sentence structure, but all of the events take place in outer space. You’re just too old.
This was my experience reading the account of one young woman’s alleged sexual encounter with Aziz Ansari, published by the website Babe this weekend. The world in which it constituted an episode of sexual assault was so far from my own two experiences of near date rape (which took place, respectively, during the Carter and Reagan administrations, roughly between the kidnapping of the Iran hostages and the start of the Falklands War) that I just couldn’t pick up the tune. But, like the recent New Yorker story “Cat Person”—about a soulless and disappointing hookup between two people who mostly knew each other through texts—the account has proved deeply resonant and meaningful to a great number of young women, who have responded in large numbers on social media, saying that it is frighteningly and infuriatingly similar to crushing experiences of their own. It is therefore worth reading and, in its way, is an important contribution to the present conversation.
Republicans cobbled together the votes for a funding bill ahead of a Friday-night deadline, but it may be doomed in the Senate.
Updated on January 18 at 10:02 p.m. ET
The House on Thursday evening narrowly passed a bill that would keep the federal government open for nearly another month amid an impasse over immigration. But the proposal may be doomed in the Senate, where Democrats and a small contingent of Republicans could block the bill and send the government into a shutdown beginning at midnight Friday.
After an anxious day of arm-twisting and negotiations, Republican leaders were able to persuade enough of their members to go along with a stopgap bill many in the party plainly despised. Rather than fund the government for the rest of the fiscal year, it merely kicks the budget debate forward another month. In a largely futile bid for Democratic support, the bill reauthorizes the Children’s Health Insurance Program for six years. But it lacks several other Democratic priorities, most notably a permanent legal status for young immigrants who face the threat of deportation once President Trump ends the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program in early March. A group of Democrats voted for the measure, known as a continuing resolution, only after it was clear that Republicans were going to be able to pass it on their own. The bill passed, 230 to 197, with 11 Republicans voting against it and six Democrats voting for it.
Stories of gray areas are exactly what more men need to hear.
The story of Aziz Ansari and “Grace” is playing out as a sort of Rorschach test.
One night in the lives of two young people with vintage cameras is crystallizing debate over an entire movement. Depending on how readers were primed to see the ink blot, it can be taken as evidence that the ongoing cultural audit is exactly on track—getting more granular in challenging unhealthy sex-related power dynamics—or that it has gone off the rails, and innocent men are now suffering, and we are collectively on the brink of a sex panic.
Since the story’s publication on Saturday (on the website Babe, without comment from Ansari, and attributed to a single anonymous source), some readers have seen justice in Ansari’s humiliation. Some said they would no longer support his work. They saw in this story yet another case of a man who persisted despite literal and implied cues that sex was not what a woman wanted.Some saw further proof that the problems are systemic, permeating even “normal” encounters.
The President of the United States of America once lambasted the reality TV show Shark Tank. It would seem that he’s not too keen on actual shark tanks, either.
Based on an interview with the adult actress Stephanie Clifford, who performs under the name Stormy Daniels, it appears that Donald Trump is afraid of sharks. That the self-avowed least racist person is deathly scared of great whites. “You could see the television from the little dining-room table, and he was watching Shark Week, and he was watching a special about the U.S.S. something and it sank, and it was like the worst shark attack in history,” Clifford recalls. “He is obsessed with sharks. Terrified of sharks. He was like, ‘I donate to all these charities and I would never donate to any charity that helps sharks. I hope all the sharks die.’”
Senator Jeff Flake explains his speech on the Senate floor in defense of the press—and talks about what he’s planning next.
Jeff Flake seems intent on finishing his Senate career without any friends left in Washington.
Ever since announcing his impending retirement last year with a blistering speech that called out President Trump’s “reckless, outrageous, and undignified behavior,” the generally genial Arizona Republican has repeatedly made himself a target of condemnation on both sides of the aisle. His decision to endorse Democrat Doug Jones in the Alabama Special Election enraged conservatives who viewed it as a brazen partisan betrayal. His vote for the GOP tax bill, meanwhile, convinced Democrats that he was all talk and no action.
Flake took fire from both sides this week when he took to the Senate floor to denounce Trump’s vilification of the free press and his “sustained attack on the truth.” The speech—delivered hours before the president unveiled his “Fake News Awards”—drew heat from Republicans for its invocation of Joseph Stalin, and derision from Democrats, who accused him of performative moral preening without any substance behind it.
The national-security adviser is one of the biggest hawks in the Trump administration.
In the increasingly urgent, dramatic debate about the North Korean nuclear threat, National Security Adviser H.R. McMaster stands out in the Trump administration as the strongest advocate of a hawkish position. But where do H.R. McMaster’s views on North Korea really come from? Why, to pose a question The Atlantic’s Uri Friedman recently did, is he so worried about North Korea? Notwithstanding the suggestion, in Friedman’s piece and elsewhere, that McMaster’s views represent some kind of heresy of nuclear deterrence, his worries must be seen in light of how he views Kim’s motives. Indeed, those motives mean the possibility of military action against North Korea could be understood not as a “good thing,” but as the “least bad.”