Watch the Six Most Memorable Moments of the GOP Debate
The draw of all these Republican debates is the chance to see how the candidates act unscripted, and Tuesday night we learned that under pressure, some forget their name while others spill state secrets.
The draw of all these Republican debates is the chance to see how the candidates act unscripted, and Tuesday night we learned that under pressure, some forget their name while others spill state secrets. We've collected the best video clips from the foreign policy-focused event, hosted by CNN and two conservative think tanks.
Mitt Romney forgets his name
When Wolf Blitzer introduced himself at the start of the debate, he said, "I'm Wolf Blitzer, and yes, that's my real name" -- a reference to a joke dates back at least to a Saturday Night Live skit from the first Gulf War. But Romney thought that was pretty funny, so when it was his turn to introduce himself, he said, "I'm Mitt Romney and yes, Wolf, that's also my first name." Except it isn't! It's Willard.
Michelle Bachmann releases state secrets?
When Bachmann said Pakistan had 15 vulnerable nuclear sites, and six had been been attacked by terrorists, National Journal's Yochi J. Dreazen noticed that no public official has ever revealed those attacks before. Bachmann sits on the House Intelligence Committee -- did she reveal classified information? It's not a great sign for Bachmann that the alternative theory is that she's made those figures up, as she has a history of making factually inaccurate statements. Update: Actually, we now know that the statement was accurate ... because it came from Jeffrey Goldberg and Marc Ambinder's recent cover story in The Atlantic that and her line that Pakistan is "too nuclear to fail." Here is Goldberg's explanation of how their work became a Bachmann debate talking point.
When Blitzer asked Cain whether he'd adopt profiling policy like Santorum, Cain responded, "No Blitz, that's oversimplifying it." Ron Paul scoffed, though not at the name mistake. Cain goes on to insist his "targeted profiling" is not the same as racial profiling, but gradually his flub sinks in. "I'm sorry, Blitz, I meant Wolf, okay? Blitz, Wolf... Since we're on a blitz debate, I'll apologize..."
Jon Huntsman and Romney fight over Afghanistan
"Are you suggesting, Governor, that we take all our troops out next week?" Romney asked. "Did you hear what i just said?" Huntsman responded, rather testily. These two good-looking wealthy Mormon ex-governors might have a lot in common, but they don't seem to like each other very much.
Newt Gingrich risks angering conservative voters on immigration
Gingrich came out against breaking up families of illegal immigrants who've been here for decades, which, yes, is considered a major policy shift these days. "I'm prepared to take for saying let's be humane in enforcing the law," Gingrich said.
This article is from the archive of our partner The Wire.
Thirty-one-year-old Ezra Cohen-Watnick holds the intelligence portfolio on the National Security Council—but almost everything about him is a mystery.
Just 24 days into his tenure as Donald Trump’s national-security adviser, Michael Flynn was forced to resign, having reportedly misled Vice President Mike Pence about his contacts with Russian officials. When Flynn departed, the men and women he’d appointed to the National Security Council grew nervous about their own jobs, and with good reason. The new national-security adviser, General H.R. McMaster, promptly began clearing out Flynn’s people, among them Dave Cattler, the deputy assistant to the president for regional affairs, Adam Lovinger, a strategic affairs analyst on loan from the Pentagon, and KT McFarland, Flynn’s deputy, who was eased out with the ambassadorship to Singapore. Even Steve Bannon, among the most powerful people in the White House, was removed from the meetings of the NSC Principal’s Committee, where he had been installed early on in the administration.
Three Atlantic staffers discuss “Stormborn,” the second episode of the seventh season.
Every week for the seventh season of Game of Thrones, three Atlantic staffers will discuss new episodes of the HBO drama. Because no screeners were made available to critics in advance this year, we'll be posting our thoughts in installments.
Biology textbooks tell us that lichens are alliances between two organisms—a fungus and an alga. They are wrong.
In 1995, if you had told Toby Spribille that he’d eventually overthrow a scientific idea that’s been the stuff of textbooks for 150 years, he would have laughed at you. Back then, his life seemed constrained to a very different path. He was raised in a Montana trailer park, and home-schooled by what he now describes as a “fundamentalist cult.” At a young age, he fell in love with science, but had no way of feeding that love. He longed to break away from his roots and get a proper education.
At 19, he got a job at a local forestry service. Within a few years, he had earned enough to leave home. His meager savings and non-existent grades meant that no American university would take him, so Spribille looked to Europe.
Many point to unromantic 20-somethings and women’s entry into the workforce, but an overlooked factor is the trouble young men have in finding steady, well-paid jobs.
TOKYO—Japan’s population is shrinking. For the first time since the government started keeping track more than a century ago, there were fewer than 1 million births last year, as the country’s population fell by more than 300,000 people. The blame has long been put on Japan’s young people, who are accused of not having enough sex, and on women, who, the narrative goes, put their careers before thoughts of getting married and having a family.
But there’s another, simpler explanation for the country’s low birth rate, one that has implications for the U.S.: Japan’s birth rate may be falling because there are fewer good opportunities for young people, and especially men, in the country’s economy. In a country where men are still widely expected to be breadwinners and support families, a lack of good jobs may be creating a class of men who don’t marry and have children because they—and their potential partners—know they can’t afford to.
This was the first resignation of its kind in France in six decades, but it was enough to remind me how much Americans take healthy civil-military relations for granted. Unlike the French, for example, who have had some terrible episodes between their civilian and military leaders over the years, Americans have never had to disband a parachute infantry regiment because it literally threatened to drop onto the nation’s capital and depose the elected government.
That’s not to say we haven’t had our issues, but aside from Douglas MacArthur’s repeated (and successful) attempts to embarrass himself and his profession, Americans have rarely had to worry about the U.S. military and its leadership as a threat to the Republic.
The party is promising “A Better Deal.” Will voters be convinced?
Six months after Donald Trump’s inauguration, Democrats in Congress are ready to adopt a populist economic agenda that blends ideas long entrenched in the liberal mainstream, like infrastructure investment, with promises that have not been a focus of the Democratic Party in recent years such as a pledge to rein in the power of corporate monopolies.
Locked out of power in Washington, Democrats lack the ability to implement the agenda, which will be sold to voters under the tagline “A Better Deal: Better Jobs, Better Wages, Better Future.” But party leaders plan to pitch it as a preview of what they would do if Democrats win back Congress. The economic platform is aimed at bridging ideological and demographic divides in the party, and Democrats hope it will have widespread appeal, in rural and urban areas, and with centrist, moderate, and progressive voters alike.
To influence U.S. politics, foreign governments don’t have to hack one party and collude with the other.
Russia’s apparent interference in the U.S. presidential election is a big story, but it’s part of an even bigger one: the ease with which foreign actors can insert themselves into the democratic process these days, and the difficulty of determining how to minimize that meddling.
Witness the disagreement in recent weeks among leaders of the U.S. Federal Election Commission. Democratic Commissioner Ellen Weintraub has urged the regulatory agency to plug the types of “legal or procedural holes” that enabled Russia to pose “an unprecedented threat to the very foundations of our American political community,” while her Republican colleagues have resisted her proposed fixes. “There are many historical examples of overreaction to foreign threats in American politics,” the Republican Commissioner Lee Goodman observed. Just because a foreign government attempted to mess with American democracy in 2016 doesn’t mean all foreign involvement in U.S. politics is nefarious—or worth shutting down.
President Trump’s son-in-law is expected to tell the Senate Intelligence Committee that he “did not collude” with Russia.
Updated at 12:26 p.m. ET
Jared Kushner, President Trump’s son-in-law and senior adviser, will tell the Senate Intelligence Committee Monday that he took part in four meetings with Russian officials and insisted he “did not collude” with any foreign government.
Kushner’s remarks were released early Monday ahead of his closed-door appearance before congressional investigators on the Senate panel and they provide an important insight into the workings of the Trump campaign in the days leading up to the 2016 presidential election, as well as the kinds of contacts Trump’s aides had during the period.
“I did not collude, nor know of anyone else in the campaign who colluded, with any foreign government,” Kushner said in his prepared remarks. “I had no improper contacts.”
Why some progressives are minimizing Russia’s election meddling
When it comes to possible collusion with Russia, Donald Trump’s most interesting defenders don’t reside on the political right. They reside on the political left.
Sean Hannity and Newt Gingrich aren’t defending a principle. They’re defending a patron. Until recently they were ultra-hawks. Now, to downplay Russia’s meddling in the 2016 elections, they sound like ultra-doves. All that matters is supporting their ally in the White House.
For left-wing defenders like Max Blumenthal and Glenn Greenwald, by contrast, ideology is king. Blumenthal and Greenwald loathe Trump. But they loathe hawkish foreign policy more. So they minimize Russia’s election meddling to oppose what they see as a new Cold War.