In 1933, together with many of his youthful Harvard Law School classmates, Thomas H. Eliot went to Washington, becoming assistant solicitor of the Department of Labor under Frances Perkins. She appointed Mr. Eliot as counsel for the committee which drafted the Social Security bill. After serving as general counsel for the Social Security Board, he returned to Massachusetts, taught at Harvard, was elected to Congress, and in 1952 joined the faculty of Washington University in St. Louis.
MARTHA GELLHORN.short-story writer, novelist, former war correspondent, reported her first visit to Poland for theATLANTICin March, 1959, in an article entitled. “Home of the Brave.” Here is an account of her second journey to that remarkable country.
A nuclear physicist who was horn in Uislria and brought to this country in his infancy, DR. I. I. KABI was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physics in 19-Vi. fie has been a member of the Columbia i nirersity faculty since 1929 and was made Chairman of the President’s Science Advisory Committee in 1997.
The debate over whether or not to end nuclear testing has now reached international proportions. One of the most eminent scientists irho twite res that tee can and should stop the tests isDR. HANS A. BETHEof Cornell Laboratory of Nuclear Studies. Dr. Bethe, who was born in Strasbourg, became a naturalized citizen in 1941, and for his work in anting the development of the A-bornb he received the President’s Medal of Merit in 1946.
HARRY MARK PETRAKISbroke into print in theATLANTICwith his first story, “Pericles on 34th Street,” which won a Benjamin Franklin Magazine Citation and an Atlantic ”First” Award for 1957. His novel,LION AT MY HEART,a view of Greek — American life published last year, was taken for television production onPLAYHOUSE 90.
NEWTON F. I OLMAN, a New England Yankee, is now operating a tree farm in New Hampshire and enjoying the perquisites of a bucolic life, which include fishing in the spring, hunting in the fait, tooling on his flute in the winter, and writing whenever the spirit moves him.
At no time in our past has theATLANTICreceived as many poems as are now submitted to us. They are evidence of an interest in poetry which never slackens. As an incentive for writers yet uneslablished, we set aside a number of pages in our February and August issues to be devoted to the work of young poets.
KINGSLEY MARTINbecame editor of theNEW STATESMANin 1931, and in the intervening years he has made his paper the most penetrating, caustic, and widely read weekly of critical content in Britain. He travels extensively, especially in the East; he has been five times to India in recent years; and, as this paper shows, he has come to a close understanding with vinoba Bhave.
JOHN J. HOWLANDSlives at the irater’s edge in Cohasset. on the south shore of Massachusetts Hay. a perfect vantage point from which to observe the ways of birds and boatmen and the constant, yet ever-changing power of the tides. The following essay is taken from his new book,SPINDRIFT,which is being published by Norton this month.
‘’Although the yearling swifts do not breed, they frequent the colonies during the breeding season, selecting holes, forming pairs and even building nests.” — “The Home Life of the Swift” by David and Elizabeth Lack in 20th Century Bestiary, a Scientific American book, Simon and Schuster.
The committee is laying out the facts in a way optimally designed to cultivate trust.
At the Global Fact international fact-checkers’ conference I attended in Oslo earlier this month, there were workshops on digital investigation, lectures on media literacy, even sessions devoted to hateful social media of the kind that sometimes gets directed at people who check facts for a living—and there are many such people. Fact-checking is now a sophisticated, high-tech profession, with members in places all over the world—Colombia, Canada, South Africa, Taiwan. What they can do with tiny scraps of evidence is almost unsettling. Fact-checking websites and fact-checking columnists can tell you how to identify a video that has been manipulated, how to spot a fake social-media account, how to geolocate an atrocity just by examining a single photograph that has appeared online.
The evidence for a possible criminal case against the former president is piling up.
From the moment the attack on the Capitol began, on January 6, 2021, Donald Trump’s moral culpability was clear. That mob would never have assembled on the National Mall but for Trump’s decision to relentlessly lie about the results of the 2020 election.
His legal culpability, however, was more ambiguous. We did not possess any evidence that he directly coordinated with the rioters prior to the invasion of the Capitol, and although his speech to the mob on January 6 itself admonished his followers to “fight like hell” and warned them that “you will never take back our country with weakness,” it also contained an explicit statement that they should march to the Capitol to “peacefully and patriotically” make their voices heard.
The past two and a half years have been a global crash course in infection prevention. They’ve also been a crash course in basic math: Since the arrival of this coronavirus, people have been asked to count the meters and feet that separate one nose from the next; they’ve tabulated the days that distance them from their most recent vaccine dose, calculated the minutes they can spend unmasked, and added up the hours that have passed since their last negative test.
What unites many of these numbers is the tendency, especially in the United States, to pick thresholds and view them as binaries: above this, mask; below this, don’t; after this, exposed, before this, safe. But some of the COVID numbers that have stuck most stubbornly in our brains these past 20-odd months are now disastrously out of date. The virus has changed; we, its hosts, have as well. So, too, then, must the playbook that governs our pandemic strategies. With black-and-white, yes-or-no thinking, “we do ourselves a disservice,” Saskia Popescu, an epidemiologist at George Mason University, told me. Binary communication “has been one of the biggest failures of how we’ve managed the pandemic,” Mónica Feliú-Mójer, of the nonprofit Ciencia Puerto Rico, told me.
An experimental therapy helped patients with a rare disease feel better. It also led to an accidental makeover.
In October 2019, Jordan Janz became the first person in the world to receive an experimental therapy for cystinosis, a rare genetic disease. The treatment was physically grueling. Doctors extracted blood stem cells from Janz’s bone marrow and genetically modified them in a lab. Meanwhile, he underwent chemotherapy to clear out the remaining faulty cells in his bone marrow before he got the newly modified ones. The chemo gave Janz sores in his mouth so painful that he couldn’t eat. He lost his head full of pale-blond hair.
But Janz, then a 20-year-old from Alberta, Canada, had signed up for this because he knew that cystinosis was slowly killing him. The mutated gene behind this disease was causing toxic crystals of a molecule called cystine to build up everywhere in his body. He threw up constantly as a kid. Visible crystals accumulated in his eyes. And his kidneys were now failing. Cystinosis patients live, on average, to 28.5 years old.
The former president attempted to violently overthrow the government of the United States, and his party ensured that he would face no consequences for doing so.
During former President Donald Trump’s second impeachment, even when Republicans insisted that the assault on the Capitol was an unfortunate consequence of heated rhetoric, most did not attempt to defend Trump’s conduct on the merits. Instead, they relied on the absurd technicality that the president was no longer in office, and therefore could not be convicted.
That was the rationale of Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell, who accused Trump of a “disgraceful dereliction of duty” and afterward voted to acquit. McConnell then suggested that Trump could be criminally prosecuted, comfortable in the suspicion that would never happen.
Other Republicans, including Senator Marco Rubio of Florida, insisted that seeking accountability for an attempted coup would be “incredibly divisive,” and was therefore not worth doing. “The notion that we’re going to spend a week or two weeks on a trial on somebody who’s not even in office—it sounds to me like a waste of time,” Rubio told Politico in 2021.
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