The Negro and His Schooling

I

NEGRO education has made tremendous strides below Mason and Dixon’s Line during the past several decades, not only in the primary and secondary schools, but in the publicly and privately supported institutions of higher learning. If the amount of money appropriated by the various states to Negro education at all levels is still low, by comparison with the allotments to the dominant race for the same purpose, the great improvement is obvious. Just as the number and quality of the Negro elementary and high schools have increased enormously since the early years of the century, the facilities for collegiate instruction have multiplied many times over. As recently as 1916 the Negro colleges of the country, nearly all of which are in the South, showed a total enrollment of only 2637. Six years later the figure had doubled, and by 1927 it had more than doubled again. By 1932 it had leaped to over 22,000, by 1938 to nearly 34,000, and by 1941 to over 45,000. In other words, the enrollment in these institutions increased more than seventeen times in two and a half decades. It is still going up.

Moreover, there is a growing disposition on the part of Southerners to facilitate this process, instead of hindering it. The words of the late Chancellor Kirkland of Vanderbilt are finding a responsive chord. Kirkland said ‘the intellectual freedom and efficiency of the white race will be promoted by generous treatment of the Negro,’ and that ‘oppression of every kind will work a double woe.’ He added: ‘In whatever form slavery may be perpetuated, just so far it will put shackles on the minds of the Southern whites. If we treat the Negro unjustly, we shall practise fraud and injustice toward each other. . . . The South will be free only as it grants freedom.’

The constantly improving attitude of the whites toward the desirability of providing decent educational facilities and standards for the blacks is manifest. There always has been a minority of Southerners who have believed education offers the nearest thing to a ‘solution’ of the Negro problem, and a poll taken by the Gallup organization in the spring of 1941 for the National Education Association showed the white people of the South to be divided almost exactly half and half on the question of providing equal public-school advantages for Negro children. A statement from R. B. Eleazer, educational director of the Commission on Interracial Cooperation, apropos of this survey, declared that these results ‘are believed to be much more favorable to the Negro child than would have been the case ten years ago.’ That is unquestionably true. Moreover, the 50 per cent who still object to making equal public-school facilities available to the Negroes are being brought into line gradually by decisions of the Supreme Court which leave them few if any alternatives to compliance.

These court decisions have been secured, in most instances, by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, and that aggressive agency undoubtedly should be credited with achieving certain substantial benefits for the Negroes of the South, benefits to which they are entitled in both law and morals. The results are particularly patent in the sphere of colored schoolteachers’ salaries. There is little reason to believe that these salaries would have been brought up to the level of those paid the white teachers, despite the fact that work and requirements are identical in many instances, without the imperatives of the Federal courts. Today those salaries have been equalized in certain areas, and the process is going forward in many others. There is a certain amount of hedging and dodging, of course, but ultimate equalization is inevitable, as it should be.

North Carolina was the first state to move toward equalization of salaries for white and Negro teachers where the work done is of the same character, and when training and years of service are identical. At the legislative session of 1939, before the Supreme Court handed down its salary equalization decision, a total of $258,000 was appropriated for the purpose. The legislature of 1941 arranged to disburse $250,000 a year during the ensuing biennium for the same cause. This placed North Carolina far in advance of any other Southern state in its efforts to solve the problem. At the end of five years, it is hoped that full equalization will be obtained.

Alabama took a significant step toward the same objective at its legislative session of 1941, when an identical salary scale was announced for both races and some $200,000 was voted for equalization. While salaries there have not, of course, been equalized by this single appropriation, the allotment of any substantial amount to such a purpose in a state in the Far South is important. Critics of the plan pointed to the declaration of Alabama’s superintendent of education that, while the new scale lowered the minimum for white teachers, none of the whites who were getting the previous $50 minimum would have their salaries reduced. The N. A. A. C. P. contended that it would ‘cost the state of Alabama $2,000,000 to equalize salaries perfectly,’ so that by allocating $200,000 ‘Alabama has gone only one-tenth of the way toward equalization.’ It also declared that, under the new scale, ‘ there is still a wide difference between a Negro teacher, for example, who has a master’s degree and five years of experience, and a white teacher who has a master’s degree and five years of experience.’ It went on to say that the Negro teachers of the state were contemplating ‘court action at the proper time to secure complete equalization.’

At all events, this Gulf state, with its large Negro population and its deeply ingrained racial cleavage, has taken a step which a few years ago would have seemed impossible. Similar steps are being taken in other Southern states and cities, although they have it within their power to force the N. A. A. C. P. to carry each of their cases all the way up to the Supreme Court. But since the decision there would in every instance be inevitably against them, such obstructionist tactics do not seem to be in contemplation. The prevailing sentiment was expressed by Frederick Sullens, editor of the Jackson Daily News, when he took to task Mississippi educators who met, as he put it editorially, ‘to avoid the issue and to keep out of the press all that was said on the subject.’ His editorial contained the following pungent and incisive comment: —

It isn’t any use, gentlemen.
Present manner of distributing the common school fund is a lie and a fraud on its
face. It is not equitable and you know it.
Further subterfuge or camouflage will be useless.
The nation’s tribunal of last resort has spoken on the subject.
Whether you like the decision or not doesn’t matter. It must be obeyed.

Most Southern states have made no definite provision, as yet, for the Negro teachers, but such cities as Louisville, Norfolk, and Chattanooga have put into effect single salary scales for both white and colored, and suits or petitions on behalf of the Negro group have been filed in several others. While it will be years before complete salary equalization is achieved, the movement is gathering momentum.

Just as there have been, and still are, wide discrepancies between the salaries of white and colored teachers, so the per capita expenditures of the various Southern states for school buildings and equipment, and for transportation, are far higher for the whites. One-room and one-teacher Negro schools are numerous in the rural South, and transportation, when furnished, is usually inadequate. Beulah Amidon wrote in the Survey Graphic recently that ‘in the eleven Southern states which have the highest percentage of Negro citizens Negro youth receives only 37 per cent of the amount which would be allocated for his education were school funds equally divided between white and Negro children,’ ‘more than 60 per cent of all Negro schools are one-teacher schools,’ and ‘in 230 counties, in fifteen Southern states, there are no high schools for Negro youth.’

Such a statement leaves a good many things unsaid, however. Here is a race only a couple of generations removed from slavery, whose education became the responsibility of a conquered and looted people. Although that people had wholly inadequate funds with which to finance even one satisfactory system of public schools, it was saddled with the staggering extra burden of a dual system. One finds scant reason for believing that the people of the North or the West would have acquitted themselves any more handsomely, under like circumstances. Moreover, those regions today, with a relatively negligible Negro population, do not have the double load of a dual system of education, and they have the added advantage of being wealthier than the South to start with. Recent estimates by the National Bureau of Economic Research of the annual income per child for the various states show an average of $2481 for the country as a whole, with the Southern states ranging from a low of $930 to a high of $1528. And although the South spends a larger percentage of its wealth on education than any other region, per pupil expenditures for public education run from a low of $25 to a high of $55, against an average of $74 for the United States as a whole. There would be a smaller discrepancy between the regions, were it not for the fact that in addition to its other handicaps the South has much the largest number of children, per adult, in the nation.

Confronted by such basic and wellnigh insurmountable disadvantages as these, the South naturally encounters extreme difficulty in its efforts to offer educational facilities comparable in excellence to those in wealthier states with only one public-school system and proportionately fewer children. It has been widely suggested that the only satisfactory solution lies in Federal aid, apportioned in accordance with a formula which would provide some assistance to every state but would channel most of this Federal money into the school systems of the predominantly rural South and West. In justification it is argued that the needs of the Southern and Western states are greatest and their financial ability least. Legislation designed to carry out such a plan has been pending in Congress for some time. Thus far it has failed of enactment largely because of opposition from those who feel that the Federal treasury and the Federal taxpayers are being subjected to too great a strain already, and from those who fear the plan would lead to Federal control of the schools, or who regret that it would give no aid to parochial and other non-public education. There are even persons who profess to anticipate Federal edicts forcing the South to operate a unified public-school system for white and colored, if the bill passes; but, since the late Pat Harrison of Mississippi was the Senate patron of the bill, it is impossible to take this apocalyptic vision seriously.

Dean C. H. Bynum of Texas College is one of those who see no alternative to Federal aid if the South is to bring its public schools up to minimum national standards. He writes in the Southern Frontier that in order for the region to reach the national level ‘it would have to apply practically its total income from all sources to this objective.’ Dean Bynum’s ‘South’ includes eighteen states, and he says that in a most favorable year the total taxable resources of those states ‘would yield approximately one billion dollars, nine hundred million of which would have to be allocated to the support of schools, which would then reach only the minimum average of the nation.’

In the light of this summation, it becomes altogether obvious that the unaided South cannot hope to develop public schools for either race which are equal in every respect to those in the rest of the country. Abolition of the dual school system would bring the objective much nearer realization, but it may as well be stated that the South has no intention now, or at any time in the measurable future, of seeking economies by the education of both races in the same public schools.

II

Several large foundations have rendered invaluable assistance in raising the level of Southern Negro schools. Without the philanthropic and altruistic services of these organizations, the schools in question would be considerably less adequate than they are. But the South cannot count on these foundations for unlimited assistance in the future. The two largest and most important, the Julius Rosenwald Fund and the General Education Board, have arranged to expend all their assets and to close out their activities in a comparatively few years. The former has made possible the erection of 5357 modern school buildings for Negroes in fifteen states, has greatly stimulated better libraries for the colored schools, and has initiated special studies in the field of rural Negro education. The latter has concentrated to a greater degree in the field of the higher learning, but it has given substantial aid to Southern state departments of education, which administer the public-school systems of both races.

In addition to these two foundations, there are others with smaller resources which have rendered important aid to the Negro schools over a long period. For example the $1,000,000 Jeanes Foundation, established in 1907 by a Philadelphia Quaker, still helps in the maintenance of Jeanes supervisors for those schools in 430 Southern counties. The $1,000,000 Slater Fund, established in 1882 by a Connecticut manufacturer, still aids in the development of central county training schools in Southern regions where secondary schools are lacking. The $1,000,000 Phelps-Stokes Fund, established in 1911, continues to sponsor studies and surveys of Negro education.

With the demise of the Rosenwald Fund scheduled to take place not later than 1957, in accordance with the stipulation of its founder, and the liquidation of the General Education Board’s assets arranged for a much earlier date, it can readily be seen that the substantial aid which Negro education in the South has received from Northern philanthropists is to be much reduced ere long. This condition arises just when the Southern states are faced with the necessity of finding millions of dollars for Negro schools and colleges in order to comply with recent Supreme Court decisions.

So large a sum of additional money probably would not be raised by taxation within the South today, even if everybody in the region was desirous of providing both races with completely adequate educational facilities — and there is still strong opposition to placing the public schools of the blacks on a parity with those of the whites. The interracial tension occasioned in Memphis and Dallas during 1941 — which began in Memphis when Negroes voted contrary to orders from the local ‘machine,’and in Dallas brought bombings and threats of bloodshed when Negroes purchased homes in a section partially occupied by whites—is symptomatic of the feeling in some parts of the South. Since the latest Gallup poll shows that only half of the Southern whites are amenable to the idea of equal school facilities for the blacks, the power of the opposition can be readily imagined. Moreover, there are Negrophobes in high places, like Governor Talmadge of Georgia, who can stoop to the lowest forms of demagoguery to make political capital out of the race issue. Talmadge even vetoed an appropriation voted almost unanimously by the Georgia Legislature in 1941 for the operation of a training school for delinquent Negro girls. The building had been paid for with the nickels and dimes of Georgia’s Negro women, and had been presented by them to the state four years before. It had never been opened, for lack of funds — and doubtless won’t be, as long as Georgia sends Talmadges to the gubernatorial mansion, although Georgia has a training school for delinquent Negro boys. So has every other Southern state except Mississippi, which has practically as many Negroes as whites, but no training school for either delinquent colored boys or delinquent colored girls.

In view of present trends, it seems merely a question of time before such institutions are provided in every Southern state. Meanwhile attention is focused upon the equalization of salaries in the public schools and the efforts of Negroes to secure graduate and professional instruction at Southern universities which hitherto have been reserved exclusively for whites. These efforts were being pushed with greater vigor by the N. A. A. C. P. in 1939 and 1940, immediately following the Supreme Court’s decision in the Gaines case, than they were early in 1942. That organization appears more interested at the moment in the matter of teachers’ salaries. However, the sundering issue which revolves about the possible admittance of Negroes to the white universities is the most controversial and challenging of all the interracial questions now pressing for a solution. Although, as stated by Edwin Camp of the Atlanta Journal, leaders of both races throughout the South are working together on the problem ‘with a singleness of purpose and a tolerant understanding and sympathy which would have seemed impossible a decade ago,’ there are many potential areas of conflict.

The Supreme Court held in the Gaines case, which involved the attempt of a Missouri Negro to enter the University of Missouri Law School, that ‘the state was bound to furnish him within its borders facilities for legal education substantially equal to those which the state then afforded for persons of the white race.’ The phrase ‘within its borders’ appeared to preclude the establishment of regional institutions offering graduate and professional instruction exclusively for Negroes, although the number of Negroes desiring such instruction in any single Southern state is so small at this time as to make the maintenance by each state of separate but ‘equal’ law, medical, engineering, and graduate schools prohibitively expensive, if not ridiculously extravagant.

Several possibilities seemed to present themselves. There was, of course, the ‘solution’ to be arrived at by opening all state-supported institutions to members of the Negro race. There was the second possibility, realizable through the establishment of separate institutions which would offer graduate and professional instruction to Negroes or the enlargement of existing state-supported undergraduate institutions. Another proposal was that separate schools for Negroes be set up within the white universities. A fourth alternative called for making state aid available to strong private Negro colleges, thus enabling them to provide first-class graduate and professional training. President Harmon W. Caldwell of the University of Georgia presented these alternatives to the annual Southern University Conference in Atlanta in 1939, without clearly indicating his preference. He made it plain that he did not favor admitting Negroes to the white institutions, and declared that the ‘fourth possibility should make a particularly strong appeal to states like Georgia, with its Atlanta University Center, and Tennessee with Fisk University.’ He seemed to regard a fifth plan as the best of all — namely, establishment of regional institutions supported jointly by the various states, but he doubted if such a scheme would be countenanced by the Supreme Court. He did not mention still another alternative, likewise deemed to be in conflict with the Gaines decision — that is, the granting of tuition subsidies by Southern states to Negroes, so that they might attend Northern professional and graduate schools. This plan still is functioning in a number of Southern states, apparently as a temporary stopgap.

Dr. Jackson Davis of the General Education Board followed President Caldwell on the program. He warned against ‘hasty action along the line of least resistance,’ and added: —

Most of us who did graduate work in Northern universities attended some classes in which there were a few Negro students. The experience didn’t do us any harm. I never heard of a Southern white student objecting to the presence of students of other races. Their presence is assumed in the great centres of learning, which should be open to the elect of all races. These are mature students working in advanced fields.

I have sometimes been asked when Negro students would be admitted into the graduate and professional schools of Southern universities. My answer has been that it might occur when those universities became primarily graduate institutions rather than undergraduate institutions. When the same set of circumstances prevails in some Southern institutions that now prevails in some of the Northern universities, with more mature students, we have no reason to think that they wall react differently.

Dr. Davis is, of course, a much more advanced thinker in the sphere of race relations than the average Southerner. Moreover, it will be many years before any Southern university is properly describable as primarily a graduate institution, so that even he does not regard the present as a propitious time for the admission of Negroes to white universities. Certainly the overwhelming majority of white Southerners are opposed to this, and it seems safe to say that if it were tried in any of the former Confederate states trouble of one sort or another could easily result. This trouble might be relatively mild, or it might be severe. It could take the form of persecution of Negroes on a wide scale throughout the state into whose university one or more Negroes had forced themselves by court action. In other words, hundreds if not thousands of Negroes might be made to suffer in order that one or two might exercise their undoubted legal right to the same grade of graduate and professional training as is provided for white citizens. The danger probably would lie not so much in the possibility of overt acts on the part of the white students with whom the Negro students would be thrown into contact in the classroom as in the attitude of the uneducated ‘poor whites’ in the remoter sections, who would be likely to register extreme resentment over ‘uppity niggers’ going to the white university and enjoying schooling which they themselves were utterly incapable of absorbing.

Would a handful of Negro students registered at a Southern university for whites be apt to find themselves in congenial surroundings? It seems highly doubtful. They probably would su ffer no violence, but they would almost certainly be happier at an all-Negro institution providing work of equal excellence. Evidence of this is seen in the fact that 42 per cent of the student body at Fisk University, Nashville, comes from the North, and evidently prefers the homogeneity of the Fisk all-Negro student body to the mixed student bodies available to them in their home states. Moreover, about one fourth of these Northern Negroes remain in the South after graduation.

Consider also the experience of the United States Military Academy and the United States Naval Academy. The former institution has admitted Negroes since 1870, but only nineteen of that race have entered during the nearly three quarters of a century that the institution has been open to them. Of that number, exactly four had been graduated down to 1941. The experience at Annapolis has been the same, only more so. Three Negroes entered the academy there between 1872 and 1941. Not one completed the course.

The analogy between a military or naval academy, where cadets or midshipmen are thrown into intimate contact in barracks and mess halls as well as in the classroom, and a Southern university, where the only contact would be in the classroom, is not exact, of course. Yet the opposition in Southern communities and on Southern campuses to mingling the races in the same educational establishment would be apt to bring similarly unsatisfactory results. While the risk would be less serious in the upper tier of Southern states, it would be substantial in those along the Gulf. In fact, the Gulf states would not be apt to accept a system of mixed education, despite the mandate of the Supreme Court. Ways would be found to circumvent that mandate, or to render the sojourn of any Negro student in a Far Southern state university so unpleasant that the arrangement would prove unworkable. In other words, even if a few Negroes were accepted willingly in, say, the University of Kentucky or the University of North Carolina, and no trouble of any sort ensued, the system would not function equally well throughout the region, and some other plan would have to be devised for most of the states and institutions concerned.

III

As a matter of fact, the University of North Carolina, the most liberal Southern university in the field of race relations, has recognized already that admission of Negroes to its graduate and professional schools would be contrary to the institution’s best interests — perhaps contrary to the Negro’s best interests. It has opened a separate law school at the State College for Negroes at Durham, an institution which draws to some extent upon the Chapel Hill and Duke faculties, and is able to use the libraries of those two institutions. Yet its graduate and professional facilities are limited, and adequate financing of those facilities by appropriation from the state treasury would impose an impossible burden of expense.

How much more economical and effective it would be for North Carolina to join with several other Southern states in maintaining the very best grade of graduate and professional instruction at some centrally located point, perhaps at a well-established Negro college or university. Such a regional institution would be adequately financed, in contrast to the school now functioning at Durham, and would be large enough to justify the building of a faculty of the highest class. The expensive laboratories, libraries, and other equipment required would be much more readily secured under such circumstances. The only major obstacle to such a plan is that the Supreme Court might refuse to sanction it.

There is no question that many of the most enlightened students of the race problem, both North and South, regard the establishment of regional institutions exclusively for Negroes as wiser, under existing circumstances, than the mingling of white and colored students on campuses hitherto reserved for whites. Dr. Edwin R. Embree, whose work as director of the Rosenwald Fund has given him an unexcelled opportunity to judge this problem on the basis of the best solution for all concerned, wrote in 1940: —

Graduate and professional education for Negroes is now becoming an increasingly acute question. . . . Southern states must open their regular universities to Negroes (which has been done in certain instances in professional offerings in the border states of Maryland, Missouri, and West Virginia, but which probably will not be done for many years in the states further South) or provide courses in state colleges for Negroes parallel to those provided in the state institutions for the rest of the population. . . . An interesting suggestion is that several Southern states pool their educational offerings at strong regional centres. ... If some plan can be worked out for interstate coöperation, the important universities, especially at Washington, Atlanta, and Nashville, might begin to develop work of highest standard in advanced studies and in preparation for the professions. This would seem a wiser course than dissipating the relatively small funds available to Southern states over a series of ‘ universities ‘ — pretentious but shabby.

Dr. Guy B. Johnson of the University of North Carolina declared in 1937, the year before the Gaines decision was handed down, that a system of regional subsidy probably would best meet the need of Southern Negroes for advanced instruction. He proposed that established Negro universities serve as centres of graduate work. Dr. Walter D. Cocking of the University of Georgia suggested in a formal report, a few weeks before the Gaines case was decided, that Georgia Negroes be given graduate and professional schooling in regional centres.

Dr. Fred McCuistion, then of George Peabody College for Teachers and now the General Education Board’s field agent for Southern education, wrote in 1939, apropos of the Gaines decision: ‘Since the lack of ability to support adequate programs of graduate and professional instruction is reflected in statements of taxable wealth of the Southern states, and since there is a limited need for advanced work in certain fields, a larger unit of support for centrally located institutions serving a wider area would be justified.’

Such opinions as these are held by many detached observers of the Southern scene. What likelihood is there that the Supreme Court would place its imprimatur upon a coöperative arrangement of this character? We have noted the pessimism of various Southern educators on the subject. Is that pessimism justified?

It is difficult to answer with complete assurance until we have a ruling on the point from the Supreme Court itself, but an opinion from one of the country’s most distinguished constitutional lawyers, a man whose general point of view coincides with that of the majority of the present court and who has been mentioned frequently during the Roosevelt Administration as a likely appointee to that tribunal, is highly significant. This opinion as to the legality of regional institutions for Negroes in the South comes from Dr. Edward S. Corwin of Princeton University, and is here presented for the first time. Dr. Corwin says: —

I base my opinion that a regional university for Negroes in the South would be constitutional on three considerations: —

1. That what a state can do for itself it can — at least there is nothing to the contrary — do in association with other states by means of a compact to which Congress has given its consent.

2. That in giving its consent to such a compact Congress would not only exercise its powers under Article 1, Section 10, but also its powers under the 5th section of the 14th Amendment.

3. That the court, recognizing that the states could provide much better education in the manner suggested than they could individually, would certainly sustain such a compact.

In view of the confidence with which Dr. Corwin expresses himself on this subject, it seems reasonable to assume that, if Congress will authorize the procedure, regional institutions can be established constitutionally through joint action of the various states. Would the necessary authorization be granted by the national legislature? Much might depend upon the attitude of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, which was instrumental in securing the Gaines decision and might seek to block Congressional action. The N.A.A.C.P. has given clear indications in the past of wanting to break down the segregation of the races everywhere. For example, Charles H. Houston, its special counsel, told the association’s annual convention in 1939 that nothing would satisfy the N. A. A.C. P. but admission of Negroes to the graduate and professional schools of the Southern state universities. ‘There can be no compromise now upon this question,’ said Mr. Houston. ‘It is not a question of wanting to sit in the classroom with white students. It is a question of vindicating one’s citizenship.’ Mr. Houston made it plain that establishment of separate, but equal, graduate and professional facilities in a given state would not be considered satisfactory. Applying this principle all along the line, it seems logical to conclude that in 1939 Mr. Houston and the organization for which he spoke intended, at some opportune time, to press for the admission of Negroes to the undergraduate departments of state-supported colleges and universities in the South, in order to ‘vindicate’ the ‘citizenship’ of the race, and ultimately to seek the abolition of segregation in the public schools. This was charged publicly at the time, and was never denied.

Whether such plans are entertained today by the N.A.A.C.P. is unknown, however. We have seen that it has been less aggressive of late in the matter of forcing Negroes into the Southern universities, and it may have decided that so drastic and radical a course would do more harm than good to the Negroes. If a demonstration could be made that great and lasting interracial bitterness would be aroused through insistence by the association upon its legal rights in this sphere, and it could be shown that most of the Negroes’ white defenders and well-wishers in the South would be driven into the opposition by such tactics, the organization might modify its position. Indeed, there are indications that it may have done so already.

IV

Americans must admit candidly that the democratic ideal is at war with the thesis that American citizens can be placed in separate pigeonholes and given varying educational and social advantages, depending upon the color of their skins. Any discrimination among citizens of this country for reasons of race or religion is undemocratic. Yet sight must not be lost of the fact that the modern South inherited a problem of tremendous complexity and difficulty at the close of the Civil War. Moreover, if the South is to be blamed for the system of slavery upon which it built its economy and its society prior to that war, what are we to say of the eminent New Englanders who made vast sums out of the uniformly barbarous slave trade? How shall we explain away the fact that slavery was not abolished in New England until it was found to be unprofitable there? Is it not obvious that the factors which created a slave system in the South would have created one in New England if the climate and the agricultural system had been favorable? Let us not forget that William Lloyd Garrison said as late as 1831, following a tour of the country for the purpose of arousing the people against the slave system, that in the free states, ‘and particularly in New England,’he found ‘contempt more bitter, opposition more active, detraction more relentless, prejudice more stubborn, and apathy more frozen, than among the slaveowners themselves.’

So much for the attitudes of the respective sections only three decades before the Civil War. After that war was over, the beaten and bankrupt South was saddled with the huge problem of caring for millions of emancipated Negroes. Despite all this, and in the face of the interracial prejudice and acrimony which Reconstruction, so-called, aroused, the South laboriously began the task of providing educational and other facilities for the blacks. Today, remarkable progress has been recorded. In the words of Senator Norris of Nebraska, ‘the people of the South have done a wonderful job.’ Yet they are criticized severely for maintaining separate educational establishments for the two races, and otherwise seeking to prevent ultimate racial amalgamation. Even in the District of Columbia, in the shadow of the Lincoln Memorial, there are separate publicschool systems, and the same situation obtains in parts of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Indiana, Ohio, and Illinois. The South, with a population one-third Negro, is trying to solve its far more serious problem on the basis of equal, but separate, establishments from the elementary level on through the graduate and professional school. It should be repeated that even advanced Southern thinkers in the realm of race relations are predominantly of the opinion that, given existing sentiment throughout the region, this is the most feasible and satisfactory plan for all concerned.

The extent to which, in recent years, attention has been focused upon the problem of graduate and professional training for Negroes is evidenced in the following statement made by Dr. Charles S. Johnson of Fisk University in 1039: —

Less than a decade ago the major concern was that of meeting the demand for adequate academic standards in liberal-arts colleges, and the preceding decade that of developing colleges out of the loosely organized institutions just emerging from the highschool level. Today there are no less than twenty institutions which meet the exacting requirements for accreditation as sound liberal-arts colleges, and in the logic of this development the demand has increased for personnel of more mature academic preparation.

It is unfortunate for the Negro graduate and professional schools that they did not attract much attention until after the era of splendid munificence on the part of our philanthropists had passed. Dr. Fred McCuistion points out in his valuable Graduate Instruction for Negroes in the United States that there were 171 gifts of $100,000 or more to American institutions in the year 1928, whereas the number had dropped to 28 by 1035, and to 18 by 1938.

Having begun to develop graduate and professional instruction long after the white institutions, the Negro colleges and universities are, in most instances, unable to compete with them on anything like equal terms. No Negro institution offers the Ph.D. in any subject, and not many give the M. A. or M. S. Practically all were established after 1865, most of them during the last thirtyfive years of the nineteenth century. In 1938, a survey showed that of the 999 members of faculties in the 37 colleges rated by the Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools, only 75 were Ph.D.’s. With the exception of two relatively unimportant institutions in Pennsylvania and one in Ohio, all the Negro colleges and universities are in Southern or border states. Hampton Institute in Virginia is the only one with endowment of as much as $10,000,000, and Tuskegee and the institutions centering in Atlanta and Fisk Universities are the only others with more than $5,000,000.