Crude and Curious Inventions at the Centennial Exhibition

V.

II. HUSBANDRY.

(1.) Culture. — Husbandry: the first of settled arts, though not so old as the arts of war and the chase. The Centennial Exhibition

furnished us with implements in this line as crude as those in any other branch of ingenuity.

We cannot conceive of any instrument more primitive than a simple pointed stick. Curious to say, Australia and Peru each sent one. It must not he understood that these are for cultivation in any proper sense of the word; their owners may some of them have reached that stage of civilization, but the principal use is for digging wild roots. Figure 96 is Peruvian; the little shoulder at the bend of the stick is of some advan-

tage, as it forms a rest for the hand in pushing the stick into the ground. We need not dwell long upon this.

Figure 97 is a lubra’s yam stick (Jcatta) from Victoria, Australia. While it lacks

a certain convenience in the shoulder by which the Peruvian stick is thrust into the soil, it shows some degree of taste in ornamentation. It is used in planting and digging yams, the nearest like work of anything pursued by the natives; a hole being made with the sharpened rod, a piece of yam is dropped into it and a stick driven in alongside for the support of the future plant. There is, no fencing, no proper cultivation, but the pieces of tuber are planted in season and trusted to the rains.

The inhabitants of New Caledonia, in addition to this amount of care, sow the teeth of old women in the yam patches, to secure good crops; the toothless skulls adorn poles in the vicinity for the same purpose.

The Peruvian spade (Figure 98) is one step in advance; a piece of wood

has been shaped so as to have a blade like a spear-head. This, of course, renders it more efficient, and gives the idea of digging rather than merely prying a hole with a round stick.

The Fijian digging-tool is a stick made from a young mangrove-tree, and is about the size and length of an ordinary hay-fork handle. One end of this is slanted off on the side, which is kept downward in digging. Three or four men drive down such

sticks into the ground, inclosing a circular piece of about eighteen inches in diameter, which they then raise by united efforts, using the poles as levers. Lads follow with sticks to break the clods, which are then pulverized by hand, and made into mounds on which the yams are planted.

The digging-stick of the Kafirs and neighboring tribes is a singular tool. It is a stick thrust through a disk of stone three inches in diameter, which gives weight to the implement and also affords a rest for the hands in pushing. This is a simple addition, and it would seem that the result might have been more readily reached some other way; it is, however, the implement of vast tribes who have excellent weapons of iron and who seem satisfied with the wooden digging-stick. One remark will explain this: it is the women alone who have to use the implement, and they are not smiths; a blacksmith works for men only. Figure 99 shows the implement complete; Figure 100, the stone on an enlarged scale. It is just possible that some of the perforated stones which have given our archæologists so much trouble may have been thus used by our Indians.

The Hottentots use the same, a stick of hard wood, weighted by a perforated stone secured by a wedge.

The New Zealand spade (kaheru) is a sharpened stick with a cross-piece on which the foot is placed to force it into the ground. The ancient Greek spade had two cross-pieces for the right and left foot respectively, so as to dig with either foot. The Roman similar tool was called bipalium. This New Zealand tool is two degrees in advance of the Australian and one ahead of the Kafir. We should have expected better things of the Maori than to be next but one in order after the poor Australian gin.

These tattooed gentry have, however, one distinguishing virtue: the Maori man does the principal part of the work. Some of the New Zealand spades have been seen tipped with jade. The Maori have also a hoe.

We now reach what we may really call a spade, but still a clumsy and complex contrivance. Figure 101 is the Japanese spade, made of wood, with an iron shoe. It is not quite apparent whether the edge is merely ground bright or has a steel portion welded to the iron: we did not take a file to it. The wooden portion is socketed in the iron shoe. The same plan is adopted with their hoes and plows, as we shall see presently. The Roman spade (pala) was also merely shod

with iron, and probably for the same reason, scarcity and dearness of the metal. It had the shape and long handle of our pointed shovel; the same form is used in Italy to-day and is known as la pala.

As the New Zealand spade carries us back to Hesiod, so the Japanese reminds us of Columella and Cineinnatus; thus by aid of the admirable collection in Philadelphia we grasp the tools of former ages.

We find genuine spades, the blades all of iron, on coming to Africa. The Dyoors are the smiths of the Upper Nile region, and the shape in which the forged metal is used as a medium of exchange is in the form of spades or spear-heads, the latter about twenty-seven inches in length. The Mari and Bali tribes of Central Africa also make an iron spade (molote) of a sagittate shape.

The spade of the Monbuttoos is a sort of trowel, but in their well-tended and well-stocked gardens it has a use to which the mere doura and sorghum growers of other tribes are strangers.

The spade as a digging tool does not seem to have been known in ancient Egypt. Shovels were used in mining metals and winnowing grain, but the hoe and the plow were the agricultural implements.

The hoe of ancient Egypt came nearer to the typical implement than any existing one. Imagine a letter V inverted, thus ۸: lot one arm be the handle and the other the blade; that is the manner of the Egyptian hoe. The original was a forked limb, one end pointed to make a pick; such are shown on the Egyptian monuments. An ancient hoe of Egypt may be seen in the Abbott Collection, Museum ot the New York Historical Society, New York city. Both portions are of wood, one flat and wide to form a blade, the two limbs being united by a thong which acts as a tie.

In some lands other materials are convenient, and so we find scapulæ of animals, clam or oyster shells, tortoise-shells, flint, obsidian, and even walrus teeth used as hoes when mounted upon handles. The exhibit of the National Museum furnished two illustrations.

Figure 102 is a hoe blade made from the scapula of an elk and used by the Gros Ventre Indians of Dakota.

Figure 103 is an Ariekaree hoe obtained from Fort Berthold, Dakota. It is made from the scapula of a buffalo, and shows the Indian mode of fitting two hard and irregular surfaces together by an intervening pad of such material as may be convenient, a folded strip of hide or soft bark, or, as in the case of the Australian weapons, a bunch of moss and a wad of “ black-boy ” gum.

The hoe is the universal agricultural implement among all the Central African tribes who cultivate the ground. The Batoka and Banyeti tribes obtain the iron from the ore by smelting. The Balondas of Equatorial Africa use a double-handled hoe. The Ovambo hoe has a blade in a line with the handle, a spade, in fact.

Figure 104 represents a hoe, and Figure 105 a pick and tongs, discovered at a miner’s camp in Angola when the Portuguese took possession of the country. They are made of the usual excellent native metal, but are rudely stocked. The African hoe, pick, axe, and adze are all stocked in one manner, which is considered typical of the country. The distinction between the tools mentioned is sometimes merely one of size and purpose. The peculiarity in the mode of stocking consists in the blade having a tang passing through a knob on the end of the handle.

The hoe of the Kafirs is oval in shape and well made; the shape is seen in Figure 104, which is from a country to the northward of Kafirland. The Kafir blade is thick in the middle and becomes thinner at the sides and point; it has an elongated t a n g which is inserted in a hole bored in the highly polished hard wood handle. The zappa of the Italian peasant is an equally clumsy implement, but has an adze shape.

The Fijian hoe is used with a thrust action, like the scuffle hoe. The blade is a bone from the back of a turtle, a plate of tortoise-shell, an oyster-shell, or a large kind of pinna. The hoe of the Tonga Islands is among the best to be found in Polynesia. It has a shell or bone blade secured by lashings to a wooden handle.

Figure 106 indicates that the African method extends to Polynesia. The pick is modern but shows the persistence of the primitive method, the tang being inserted through the tough, knotty head of the helve, left large for the purpose.

The Roman dolabra fossoria was a pick used in mining and ditching; it had a cutting edge and a pick point.

Figure 107 is a hoe from Manila, in the Philippines. The mode of stocking the tool is a European innovation; it is, however, native made.

The Japanese hoe (Figures 108 and 109) has a wooden head over which is a slipper of metal. It is a very inferior tool. Another of the same make is in the National Museum in Washington. Figure 108 was in the Main Building at the Centennial. Figure 109 illustrates two hoes and a pronged hoe or grubber, in the same building. The latter tool is common in Europe, and is used in the vineyards in Ohio and elsewhere. The ligo and bident (or sarculum bicorne), twopronged hoes, were in use in Italy in old Roman times. The Greeks had, and yet have, similar tools. The ligo was the larger of the two. Besides these the Romans had the sarculum or weeding hoe, and the capreolus, which had two tines and was used like the bidens; also the raster, which had sometimes as many as four prongs (quadridens). The marra was a broad hoe with teeth. We can hardly be said to have added materially to their assortment of garden implements for hand culture.

The páchul or large hoe of Java serves the same purpose as the spade in Europe. The head is of wood tipped with iron ; the handle is two and a half feet long, and curved. Figure 110 is a nondescript, one might say; its purpose was clearly stated in the catalogue, but it seems droll that anybody could contrive such an implement for the purpose. Two of the objects shown in Figure 110 are used in planting kumaras (sweet potatoes) by the natives of New Zealand. The Maori holds one in each hand, and we suppose he drives them into the loosened soil to make a hole in which the piece of tuber is placed.

The plow is the most necessary implement. In the order of statement it is preceded by digging tools, manual implements coming before those of draught. In many countries of large area implement-drawing by man or by beast is entirely unknown. The hand tool is thrust into the ground endwise, as with the spade, or by a circular blow, as with the hoe. When the tool is adapted to draught, it is no longer driven into the ground by a blow, but is dragged through the soil, which it displaces, leaving a trench.

Adhering to the purpose of confining the illustrations to objects actually presented at the Centennial Exhibition, we are precluded from offering even diagrams which would show how the forked limb was the original both of the hoe and of the plow; of the former we have already spoken, referring to the fact that the paternity and succession are more clearly exhibited in the ancient Egyptian hoes, in which the handle and the blade are of equal length, than in any other implement.

We are, however, fortunate in having illustrations from Malaysia, Siam, and India, in which the derivation of the plow from the forked limb is very plain: the plowman, hitching his buffalo or his cows to the end of one prong of the fork, allows the other prong to stick into the ground, takes hold of the fork in the rear of the junction of the prongs, and holds the implement upright, at the same time pressing upon it to keep it in the soil. By the selection of an appropriately shaped limb, such an implement as that shown in the upper portion of Figure 111 is obtained; this closely resembles the Roman aratrum, which may be seen on many basso-rilievos and coins. It was usually the branch of an elm, the European tree of that name yielding a very different kind of timber from the American trees, — white, red, or hickory elms. The long limb was the beam (temo); when made of a natural crook (buris) it was known as aratrum curvum; an artificial bend made the aratrum incurvum : the part presented to the

(Fig. 111.) Japanese Plow. Netherlands Colonies Exhibit. ground was sharpened to form the share (vomer); another limb or an additional piece projecting behind formed the tail (stiva) or handle. Sometimes the stiva had a cross-bar (manicula) which was grasped by both hands and made the

The yoke (jugum) of the ancients was the universal means of attaching a pair of draught animals to the pole, temo, of a vehicle or to the beam of a plow. It rested upon the withers of the horses or the necks of the cattle, and was secured to the pole by a thong (cohum). It was fastened to the animals by straps (vincula), or a pair of descending prongs (subjuga) on each side of the necks of the horses, or by bows beneath the necks of the oxen. When four horses were hitched abreast, each yoke horse had an outrigger (funalis) to the horse on the outside. This was of rope and served as a trace to draw by. In times preceding the invention of the outrigger, the yoke went over all four of the horses and was strapped beneath their necks, forming a sort of collar for each.

The goad (stimulus) had a spud (vallum) at the end to clean off the plowshare.

Not a single feature of the plows of Columella, Varro, and Pliny is absent from the plows exhibited in the buildings whereof we speak.

Millions of people with whom the plow is the principal means of obtaining their daily bread — cultivators of rice, wheat, barley, doura, corn, millet, and what not, and who live on every continent of the world — have never seen any other plow than that which simply roots a furrow in the ground, turning a trifling amount of soil to right and left, just as the old plow of Egypt, which made a deep mark in the mud left by the retiring Nile, covered the seed which was sown broadcast on the soil in advance of the plowman.1

Such was the plow, the emblem of Osiris, the deification of the river which was, physically, the source of all sustenance on the whole strip of land, six hundred miles long and from one to eleven miles wide, — that ribbon known as Egypt.

“ Osiris taught the way and manner of tillage and good management of the fruits of the earth. Isis found out the way of cultivating wheat and barley, which before grew here and there in the fields, among the common herbs and grass, and the use of them was unknown. ” (Diodorus Siculus, 60 B. C.)

Such was the plow when “ in the seven plenteous years the land brought forth by handfuls,”and great store was laid up; when the Nile, rising doubtless above his ordinary height, fertilized even the desert margin of the usually cultivated area, and left more than his average deposit, which raises the cultivable soil almost six inches in a century at Elephanta, so that the land at that point has been elevated nine feet in seventeen hundred years, seven feet at Thebes, and less towards the Delta.

Arts and sciences came from Egypt, and the plow in the land was the basis of her prosperity. There, of all places in the world, a man could tell when he sowed how much he should reap. There, therefore, success being assured, leisure was possible, and a cultivated class arose. And yet the plow, judged by our standards, was a wretched affair. On this rich, moist soil it would produce its maximum effect, and the plows of the alluvial rice lands of Java and Siam, exhibited at the Centennial, are of substantially similar construction. One must go to lands termed “ less hospitable ” to find the improved implements which the earnest and inevitable struggle for life has brought into existence.

In viewing the crude plows at the Centennial we are carried back a clear two thousand years or more, and are brought also to face a singular fact: in the very lands which formerly used the rude tools similar to those which we are now considering the same implements are yet in vogue. Speaking in general terms, it may be said that the ancient Egyptian, Etruscan, Syrian, and Greek plows were equal to the modern plows of the south of France, part of Austria, Poland, Spain, Turkey, Arabia, India, Ceylon, China, and Japan.

Time came when, according to Pliny’s account, the Gauls devised a better plow. We must recollect, however, that the Gaul of the ancient writers extended to the Po and included the wonderfully fertile region now known as Piedmont and Lombardy. There was even a little scrap of Gaul south of the Po, Cispadana, Padus being the river Po. The plow received a mold-board which threw sidewise the soil lifted by the share. This was the aratrum auritum, or plow with mold-board, — from the aures, or wings; it had two wings before it had a single one, seemingly. Such a plow is shown in a basso-rilievo at Magnesia, in Asia Minor, and Pliny refers to it. Varro and Columella may be consulted also.

All these modifications of the implement were exhibited at the Centennial. One might look back to the prehistoric times of his own race and see how his ancestors fared before they knew metal. All the ages were there at once, and the lowest possible to the highest known means of cultivating—from the pointed stick to the gang-plow — were presented to the spectator. The best and most elaborate do not come within our province now. It may be mentioned, however, in passing, that the wheeled plow (currus) and the plow colter (culter) were also known to the Romans, as well as the two handles.

The Javanese plows are of several varieties: for irrigated lands, walaku: for hill work, brujul; for the garden, luku china, or Chinese plow. Either is readily carried on the shoulder by the husbandman. One kind has a mold-board; the point is tipped with iron, which is sometimes cast. The wood of the plow is generally teak; the yoke (rakitan) of bamboo. The plow shown in Figure 112 has its standard planted in the block,

and its beam proceeding from the standard. The plow shown in Figure 111 has a standard and handle a part with the sole piece, and the beam stocked into the latter. They are two interesting variations preserving the original features in the main.

The plow of Macassar is a rude implement with a single handle, the point of the share being a piece of hard palm wood fastened in with wedges.

A quaint description of the Oriental plow is found in Knox’s Ceylon, a folio of a couple of centuries since, written by a Scotchman who was for nineteen years detained a prisoner within the limits of the Kandyan kingdom, which maintained its isolation and independence for centuries after the coast country was occupied by strangers: —

“ Their [Singhalese] Plough is a crooked piece of Wood, but little bigger than a Man’s Arm, one end whereof is to hold by, and the other to root up the Ground. In the hollow of this Plough is a piece of Wood fastened, some three or four Inches thick, equal with the breadth of the Plough, and at the end of the Plough is fixt an Iron Plate to keep the Wood from wearing. There is a Beam let into that part of it that the Ploughman holds in his hand, to that they make their Buffaloes fast to drag it. . . . These Ploughs are proper for this Countrey, because they are lighter and so may be more easie for turning, the Fields being short, so that they could not turn with longer, and if heavier they would sink and be unruly in the mud. These Ploughs bury not the grass as we do, and there is no need they should. For their endeavour is only to root up the Ground, and so they overflow it with Water and this rots the Grass.”

The Singhalese plow (naguela) is similar to the one shown in the lower portion of Figure 111. It is made of two pieces, a wedge fastening one within a mortise of the other. Two buffaloes are attached to it by the yoke (veaga). The

plow is directed by a single handle and leaves one hand free for the goad (kaweta).

A golden plow for marking out consecrated ground is mentioned in the Singhalese annals, 306 B. C. A plow represented on a black stone found in the Assyrian ruins opposite to Mosul is the only representation of an ancient agricultural instrument found by Layard in that country.

The plow (Figure 114) shown in the Tunisian exhibit of the Main Building is another illustration of the problem of how many forms and modes of making up can be elicited, three necessary parts being made to project in as many different directions: one for the ground, another for the team, and the third for the hand of the plowman. The yoke is light and so is the work, the cattle being usually small in size and poor in flesh; in place of bows are ties and bars to hold beneath the throat and keep the yoke to its place on the neck.

The Japanese plow (Figure 115) has that peculiar feature which is exhibited

also in their spades and hoes; the wooden stock has a shoe or pocket of metal which slips over it. The typical tree limb which we have previously referred to is shown very clearly in this plow, and the whole is strangely like the old Egyptian hoe, but larger, of course.

It has the single handle, a strengthening brace between the beam and standard, and a single-tree for the attachment of the buffalo by which it is drawn. Almost all the other plows of our series are drawn by a pair of oxen attached to a yoke. This plow resembles our single shovel plow for tending corn and potato crops.

The Siamese plow (Figure 116) is an implement superior to all which have preceded it in our description. The bent beam and the handle are both stocked

into long sole piece, which will run Steadily in the furrow, and they also mutually brace each other. The share is tipped with iron and the oval mold-board throws the soil right and left. The adaptation of three pieces, two of them natural crooks, is very ingenious.

Figure 117 is another Siamese plow which was in the Siamese exhibit, in the Government Building. It shows that no absolute rule of construction obtains in that country, but that the order of structure is adapted to the material. In this case a crotch forms the share, mold-board, and sole. The standard is along with the plows, and has two pairs of downwardly projecting prongs which bestride the necks of the cattle, and thongs which are lashed beneath their throats.

The native plow of Hindustan is represented in Figure 119. It is of two massive pieces of babool wood (acacia arabica), one simply framed through the other. The lower piece is a natural bend. The iron bar projecting in front forms a tusk and is held to the point of the sole-piece by a square link. In many parts of India the plow is destitute of this iron point. The plow is controlled by a single handle, the other hand of the driver being employed in guiding the team. The yoke is bound to the end of stocked into the crotch, the beam is mortised into it, and the standard projects baekwardly to form the handle.

The Siamese cattle yoke was exhibited the beam by a thong, and the knot is like that tied by Gordius, king of Phrygia, the ends tucked in after the manner in which a sailor works a Turk’s - head on the end of a man-rope. Alexander’s patience was not as great as his resources, and so he cut it apart with his sword,— a way he had. The ox yoke of India rests on the neck in front of the hump, and is tied under the throat by a cord. The ordinary plow of India is a wretched affair, and is drawn by two cows. The team is worked from seven o’clock A. M. till noon, and then driven into the jungle to feed. The amount cultivated by one plow is five acres. In the rice districts, the ryot plows his fields in February and again in March or April, and in May sows the seed. The crop is cut in August, and thrashed by the tramping of oxen. It is cleaned by hand fans, one man letting it fall from his hands while another winnows it.

In the Bombay presidency the arable land consists of two classes: jirayat, the crops from which depend upon rains or irrigation; and báyáyat, or garden lands where fruit trees and vegetables are planted. The humbi, or cultivator, has two crops to attend to during the year: the kharif, which he sows in June or July and reaps in October and November; and the rabi, which he sows in the latter months and reaps in January or February. For the kharif, or summer crop, he sows bajori, or spiked millet, the chief food of the people. This is mixed with toor and muthic, two leguminous plants, and sown in rows with a drill-plow. The rabi, or winter crops, are wheat and some other cereal grains. The land is plowed once in two years.

The drill-plow is a very old affair in China and India. The Chinese drill is a wheelbarrow with a hopper for the seed, and three spouts, twentyeight inches long, by which the grain reaches the ground. It thus sows three rows at once. Their drill-plow has two parallel iron - shod runners to open the furrows; the runners are supported on wheels, and to each is attached a hopper to drop the seed into the furrows, which are subsequently leveled by a transverse piece of wood fixed behind and just sweeping the surface of the ground, — a curious anticipation of most of the points of our corn drills.

The elephant - plow is used to some extent in India. It has a fore-carriage like that of a wagon, on which the point of the plow-beam is supported, and to which it is attached. It has a very large share and mold-board, and throws an immense furrow slice.

Figure 120 is the native plow (arado) of Brazil. It is a very well made and light implement of its kind, being crude mainly in the use of wood almost exclusively. It has a triangular share with an upward curve, and is designed to be pulled by two persons, but has a hook on the end to which an animal may be hitched as an auxiliary.

The Norwegian plow shown in Figure 121 was exhibited by the commissioners of Norway as a specimen of the olden time, not of their present style of manufacture. It does not differ materially from contemporary implements of other countries of two centuries since. The frame is all of wood; it has an iron share; a strip of iron forming a colter is in front of the upright breast; the wing of the share

has also an iron strip. The depth of penetration is determined by a wedge in a slot, in the upright standard. The draught animal is attached to it with a hazel withe on the end of the beam.

As a companion to the Norwegian, the Pennock plow made in Chester County, Pennsylvania, in 1775, may be given. The share and colter are of iron, and the mold-board of wood. It was an approved implement one hundred years ago.

The " Daniel Webster plow ” in the Massachusetts section of the agricultural building is probably the clumsiest implement extant in the country. The total length is thirteen feet: length of beam, nine feet one inch; of handle, six feet four inches; two feet ten inches between the handles; landside two feet four inches long; mold-board twenty inches wide; share sixteen inches wide; from point of share to rear end of mold-board, five feet four inches. It is stated on a placard to have been made in 1837, but this date is probably a mistake. Webster was then fifty-five years of age. It is to be hoped that he was very much younger than that when he made or used such a fearful thing. Only the charm that surrounds the recollection of our youth and early manhood could inspire anybody to write of such a plow as follows: —

“ When I have hold of the handles of my big plow with four yokes of oxen to pull it through, and hear the roots crack and see the stumps all go under the furrow out of sight, and observe the clear mellowed surface of the plowed land, I feel more enthusiasm over my achievement than comes from my encounters in public life in Washington.”

Some kind of a harrow is used in almost all countries, to level the plowed ground: it is practically a rake on so large a scale as to be drawn by animal power. The moyi of India (Dinajpoor) is a frame six feet long, made of two bamboos and several cross-bars. The driver stands on it as it is dragged over the ground to cover the seed. The bidd or naugol of India (Dinajpoor also) is used as a cultivator. being dragged over the growing rice to loosen the soil. It is all of wood, is drawn by two buffaloes, and in some other parts of India has iron teeth.

The Japanese harrow for leveling the rice grounds has a single row of teeth. As these fields are irrigated, differences of a few inches in level are very important, so much so that after a harrow drawn by a buffalo has done its work, hand-rakes and levelingboards are carefully used to make the surface perfectly flat. Figure 125 shows a number of Japanese tools for this purpose; their fields are cultivated like gardens.

The harrow of Java is similar to that of Japan: the head and teeth are of teak, the handle and bow of bamboo. The Javanese level their rice fields in the same careful manner. Figure 126 shows the rake of that Batavian colony. The rastellus or raster ligneus was the

wooden rake used by the Romans for smoothing the ground after sowing seed.

The Singhalese harrow (anadapoorooa) is a board on edge, drawn by buffaloes, and weighted by the driver who sits upon it.

The harrow of the Romans, for breaking the clods left by the plow, was a hurdle (crates) or a wooden frame set with teeth (dentata); in obdurate land a heavy pronged implement (rastrum), between a rake and a hoe, was employed.

The Roman cylindrus was a trunk of a tree attached to a pole and drawn over the ground to level it; it did not usually revolve, but was simply dragged; a passage in Columella, however, indicates that sometimes it was drawn by gudgeons driven into the ends, and consequently revolved.

Figure 127 is a garden rake of bent saplings, used by the Mandan Indians of Fort Berthold, Dakota Territory. Mr. Catlin visited this interesting tribe of Indians at the confluence of the Yellowstone and Missouri, and described them in his work on the Indians of North America. Subsequent to his visit, the tribe was almost destroyed by small-pox, and their peculiar dome-shaped houses, made of saplings and covered with earth, fell into ruin. They were superior to all other Indians of the plains: it is but few of the Dakota Territory Indians that have any use for garden rakes.

Edward H. Knight.

  1. “ Some of the Egyptians run lightly over the surface of the earth with a plow after the water has fallen, and gain a mighty crop without any great cost or pains.”(Diodorus Siculus.)