General Butler's Campaign in Massachusetts

SINCE the close of the war and the settlement of the reconstruction problems by Congress, the American people have not been able to decide upon any political issues worth contending about. Various attempts have been made to concentrate opinion in relation to reform in taxation, in the civil service, and so on, but thus far without any success. The chief obstacle in the way seems to consist in the fact that the rewards of political and legislative life, not only in the shape of salaries, but in the shape of jobs and contracts, have brought into public notice a sort of men who care little about government or the principles of government, and are only anxious how they may best serve themselves, their personal retainers, or the corporations which they represent. Some of these men, and on the whole the most dangerous of them, because they are the most knowing, are men who also have some political training and experience in the management of affairs. It is unnecessary to mention the names of senators and representatives, in the Middle States and the West, who represent this tendency towards personal instead of political government. The Republican quarrels in the State of New York illustrate it. Too much of that which gives rise to complaint in the state of affairs at the national capital has its origin and is kept alive by the fact that the Republican administration, having little to do but pay the national debt and enforce the anti-Ku-klux and anti-polygamy laws, has become a personal administration, and not a political one. An episode in this history of the personal tendency in our governmental affairs may well attract our attention for a few moments.

General B. F. Butler, a man of brains, a man of wealth, a man of large political experience and with an extensive fol lowing, recently undertook by sheer personal effort to wrest from the Republican party of Massachusetts its nomination for governor. In giving an account of his campaign it will be only necessary to bear in mind the condition of affairs which we have outlined, and not at all important to try and analyze his motives. It will not always do, even, to take it for granted that a public hero is himself able to analyze and describe, in speech or letter, the springs of his own action. For instance, General Butler told the people of Springfield, in his first speech, that after bringing the Ku-klux Bill to enactment, he saw “ a Presidential Congress ” coming. “ Now in such a Congress,” added the General, “ no great measures are ever carried through, nothing that will endure is ever done ; nothing but intriguing for the Presidential office, Cabinet offices, and other places, and passing the appropriation bills.” He thought, as he says, that he could be spared from such a Congress. In this desperate state of political ennui (if the General had analyzed his own emotions correctly), his friends fortuitously found him. They placed a copy of the census in his way, and his eye chanced to observe certain figures showing a diminution in the agricultural population and resources of the Commonwealth. At the right moment his friends approached him. They said, “ Come now, won’t you run for governor ? ” " Dear me ! ” said General Butler, “ why should I run for governor ? Will that make me live any longer in history ? Shall I not live as long in history now as Governor Gardner ? Will making me governor make me any bigger, or any less ? And as for the salary, would that be any temptation ? Well,” said he, finally, “ I don’t want to be governor.” The Weird Sisters never argue ; they decree. Came the stern answer, “ Well, you will be governor.” So it was “arranged” that questions should be asked and answers given publicly ; and “ head-quarters ” were established, and the campaign was opened. Now Mr. Wendell Phillips, about the 1st of July, informed an “interviewer” from the office of a New York newspaper, that to his knowledge, in the middle of the previous winter, General Butler’s decisive plan was to run for governor ; and he added, “ I think he intends to run on a joint Republican and Labor platform, as Governor Geary is thinking of doing in Pennsylvania.” The platform which General Butler finally laid down was just this, and therefore we may well believe that the information thus given as to his intentions, nearly six months before, was substantially correct.

It did not take him long to equip himself for his enterprise. He sent to the State House for documents relating to the public charities, the prisons, compulsory education, and the truant system, and prepared for the impending debate. His quick eye had made itself fully acquainted, long before, with the political situation in Massachusetts, and this was exceedingly favorable to him. Let us for a moment describe it. In 1864 the Republicans gave 75,000 majority to President Lincoln. In 1865 and 1866 they gave their State ticket a majority of 50,000. In 1867 began the trouble with the prohibitory law, which reduced their majority in that year to about 30,000. This issue was of course thrust aside in 1868, and General Grant received about 70,000 majority, although the Democrats gave Mr. Adams over 63.000 votes. The partial re-enactment of the prohibitory law, which had been repealed after the election of 1867, and the organization of a Labor party, reduced the Republican vote in 1869 to 74,000 ; the Democrats obtaining 48,000 and the Labor party 13,000. The next year Mr. Phillips, the candidate of the Labor party and of the new Prohibitory party (dissatisfied because their statute was not wholly re-enacted and enforced), received about 22,000, the Democrats held their own, and the Republicans got 79,000. If General Butler could combine the Labor-Reformers and friends of the prohibitory law with his own personal retainers, and persuade a few thousand other Republicans that he was just the man to reunite the party, and satisfy tor the time being all the discontented ones, he had more than a fair chance to be nominated. Of course, he must make the most of the discontent which already existed, and which grew mainly out of the two questions of liquor selling and the hours of labor. He accordingly saw fit to say that the party had driven out of its ranks the Prohibitionists and the “ Reformers,” and to make proclamation of himself as the only man who would or could bring the flown voters back and make Massachusetts again the strongest of the Republican States.

We have thus indicated what must have been and what was the drift of General Butler’s speeches. But he allowed himself to be beguiled into a series of assaults upon some of the influential newspapers of Massachusetts, and, indeed, upon the press generally. He began at Springfield on the 24th of August. The City Hall was packed, it having been announced that he would give the newspapers a piece of his mind. He attacked several of them in the name of injured innocence. John Brown was dragged from his grave and made to appear as a client of General Butler’s in entering a complaint against one of the editors of the “ Republican,” of that city. If the history which the General insinuated in this speech is to be credited, he would seem to have been an original John Brown man in 1859, and Mr. F. B. Sanborn an enemy in a very thin disguise. Miss Dickinson was invoked against a Boston journal, which had, as she believed, misrepresented her through a report of one of her lectures ; General Butler had been applied to, as counsel, and had, according to his own statement, threatened a lawsuit. Hence the malignant hostility of the newspaper. One of the other Boston papers happened to have for one of the trustees of its property a rival candidate for the gubernatorial office. This was sufficient to account for its opposition, which had providentially cropped out not only in editorial articles against General Butler, but in an overcharge of some seven dollars for one of his electioneering paragraphs, passed in the shape of a resolution by the Republicans of Beverly. General Hawley’s opposition to him, dating as far back as the congressional contest of 1868 in the Essex district, was attributed to an old score between the two generals, growing out of an alleged “displacement ” of Hawley by Butler for “ inefficiency ” during the war. Perhaps this is worth dwelling on for a moment.

General Butler was at first reported as saying at Springfield that he had “dismissed” General Hawley from command for “ cowardice and incompetency.” Before the speech was finished, General Hawley telegraphed from Hartford totally and in unsparing phrase denying either his removal or dismissal. It soon appeared that General Butler’s language was, “ I displaced him from command for inefficiency and incompetency, and he was never seen on the field afterwards.” This he repeated at Worcester on the 30th of August : “ I say again that I did displace him for inefficiency”; and afterwards he put it in this form : “ Mr. Hawley has not denied that I displaced him from command, and I know better than anybody else on earth what I displaced him for.” General Hawley immediately showed that his only “displacement” from command was two or three weeks after the capture of Fort Fisher, when, General Foster having reported for duty, and being senior in command to Hawley, the latter was relieved, at his request, from the command of Terry’s division, and was ordered to report to General Terry, who made him chief of staff. This was two or three weeks after General Butler had himself been relieved and sent back to Lowell. As to the remark that General Hawley was never seen on the field after General Butler “ displaced ” him, in point of fact the former served about ten months in the field after the latter left it.

The attack on General Hawley was thus a failure, and was not repeated after the Worcester speech ; the criticisms on the Boston newspapers created a transient feeling of amusement among the people who personally knew the editors and publishers ; the assaults on the State finances and the management of the public charitable institutions were so speedily answered, that, although they were repeated again and again through the entire month of August, they made little or no permanent impression favorable to the candidate. There remained for him the labor question and the question of the sale of liquors. With the first of these only he dealt at Springfield. And, considering the platform of the Labor party, adopted a month afterwards at Framingham, with its war upon wages and “ war upon the whole profit-making system,” it is a matter of surprise that General Butler, with his moderate ideas, could ever have been a satisfactory candidate for such a party. For the General’s remarks on labor were, as the phrase is, “eminently conservative.” About all that can be detached from the column which he devoted to this topic is a defence of legislation to restrict the hours of labor in factories. Let us, said he, by doing justice to the workingmen, win them back to the Republican ranks, and win Democrats also to our side. Many Republicans had said the same thing, and had not suspected they were saying anything very startling. Mr. William Gray, a leading manufacturer of Boston, a representative of “ capital,” if there be one, had argued before a legislative committee in favor of a ten-hour law, and the Republican majority had passed such a bill in the House of Representatives ; and yet no genuine friend of this legislation had supposed that its failure in the Senate was any excuse for a new party. Strikes the General considered “illogical” and “incompatible with the dignity and power of the American workingmen,” — a sentiment worthy of a mill-owner. The ballot, on the other hand, he considered “ the most powerful of all weapons, when well handled,” — a sentiment worthy of a candidate for governor. The general tone of the candidate’s remarks on the labor question ought to have satisfied the “ Reformers ” that they were destined to get little help from General Butler, beyond that “ disturbance in the Republican party ” which so enchanted Mr. Phillips at Salisbury, at the prospect of his nomination ; and they should have been prepared for the course he took after his defeat. The ballot having failed him, he ought not to have been expected to fall back on the illogical and undignified strike. At Worcester, after dealing with the newspapers again, and returning, with the ill-fortune we have described, to the attack on General Hawley, the question of the prohibitory law was taken up. And from this time to the end, — from Worcester to Attleborough,— it formed a principal topic of the General’s speeches. He would enforce the law “fully, impartially, precisely as the law of Heaven falls upon all men equally ” ; and when he told the city of Lawrence, and the city of Lynn, and twenty other cities and towns, that he would never enforce a law to prevent Bridget O’Flaherty from selling liquor in a cellar to eke out her washing wages, and release the Tremont House and the Parker House from prosecutions, the applause is said to have been invariably “ tremendous,” and the orator’s satisfaction supreme, The echoes reached the Parker House and the Tremont House, and were taken up there ; and the rooms of the Temperance Alliance resounded with cheers

And so, with no end of brass bands, and with great processionings and multitudinous hand-shakings, the General proceeded on his way. He spoke at Clinton, and Haverhill, and Fitchburg and Marlborough, and Milford, and Salisbury, and Natick, and Salem, and Lynn, and Lawrence, and Attleborough, and Athol, and Adams, and New Bedford, and Fall River, and Abington, and Hyde Park, and Ware, and Northampton, and Westfield, and perhaps in other places. His progress was unimpeded. Dr. George B. Loring, one of his competitors for the nomination, conducted the New England Agricultural Fair during one week, and made an oration which people praised for its eloquence and good sense. Mr. Alexander H. Rice returned from the Pacific coast, and his friends quietly organized a movement in his behalf. Mr. Speaker Jewell also became a candidate, and found many supporters. And the western part of the State put forward Mr. William B. Washburn of Greenfield, and gave promise of a pretty general vote for him in the Convention. But no man, in behalf of either of these rivals, followed General Butler. He had the field wholly to himself. Twenty thousand people, perhaps thirty thousand, heard him declaim about the wrongs of Bridget O’Flaherty and denounce the misrepresentations of the press, its correspondents, and reporters ; and the political people who felt themselves obliged to read the reports of his speeches, as they appeared every morning, began to fear that they should be finally as weary as those Mohammedan doctors must be, who are said to have read the Koran seventy thousand times. Occasionally, as at Milford, a man would rise, and amidst cheers, hisses, and cat-calls would ask the General some pertinent or impertinent question ; but the repartee, which answered the purpose of an answer, was always ready. It required no small degree of courage to stem the tide of one of the General’s enthusiastic meetings so far as to criticise or object. Is it any wonder that the candidate at last began to deem himself invincible ? As early as the 13th of September Mr Phillips — perhaps the only one of our numerous corps of prophetic orators who never makes a mistake — confidentially said to his hearers, “ You need not tell these reporters what I say, but, between you and me, I very little doubt that they will nominate him.” And on the 20th the General assured his friends at New Bedford that he had got 180 delegates out of 417 ; that the 417 were split up, no one of his rivals having more than 70 ; and that the 180 were men who “mean business.” “ Now,” he added, “ you see how you are misled by the newspapers.” The newspapers, however, were nearer right than General Butler. Essex elected its delegates early, and he began by carrying Beverly and Marblehead and Newburyport and many smaller places, destroying in a night or two Dr. Loring’s hope of electing a majority in his own county. The small towns generally reported themselves the other way. Charlestown, Worcester, Northampton, and Westfield stood out against him ; Milford and Fitchburg and Haverhill and Marlborough and Athol and Ware succumbed. Boston was yet to elect. As the day for its caucuses approached, it was seen that some union of the opposition candidates would have to be made, at least as far as the eastern part of the State was concerned. General Butler began to claim a majority of the hundred Boston delegates. If he succeeded in getting them, the impetus he would thereby obtain would, it was thought, be sufficient to insure his triumph in the Convention.

A certain looseness of organization, general and local, which was the natural result of a series of easy victories, had left the Republican party, in many towns and cities, incapable of protecting itself against the incursions into its primary meetings of scores and hundreds of men who had no right there. General Butler’s plan for bringing back the fugitive voters of the year before into the party comprehended also bringing them back into the caucuses, to try their hands at controlling the organization itself. When people asked how Boston would go, it was invariably said that such and such wards, being the strong Republican precincts, would vote for delegates favorable to Mr. Rice ; while half a dozen others, in which Labor-Reformers and Democrats were plenty, would go for General Butler because the General’s personal friends could easily find Labor-Reformers and Democrats enough to pack the primary meetings and elect Butler delegates ; and so a caucus, which at the best is but an imperfect way of concentrating the opinion of a party, was to be made a machine for forcing on the party an opinion which might or might not be its own. To how great an extent this system had been pursued in the places which had chosen Butler delegates, it is impossible to say ; but it can hardly be doubted that a large number of men who had no intention to vote the Republican tickets at any rate, and many others who only intended to vote them in case Butler was nominated, had thus intruded their advice and assistance. To many Republicans, members of the National as well as the State organization, having a reasonable degree of faith in the usefulness of both, General Butler, if nominated by Republicans, would be distasteful enough ; but General Butler forced on the party by Democrats and pseudo-reformers would be intolerable. Here and there, such men gathered together. They consulted with Mr. Rice and with Mr. Jewell as to the best way of saving the Boston delegations. They remonstrated against the silence of Congressmen and other influential citizens, who were believed to have an interest in the success of the party in 1872, and in the integrity of the organization ; Mr. Dawes was the only member of the Massachusetts delegation in the lower house of Congress who had seen fit to oppose General Butler’s raid. Mr. Jewell willingly agreed that Mr. Rice should have a clear field in Boston, and in a manly and sensible letter withdrew from the contest, indicating clearly that it was the duty of Republicans to unite against General Butler. Mr. Sumner wrote and published, in a Boston newspaper, a paragraph declaring distinctly the opposition of himself and Senator Wilson to the General’s nomination.

So, gradually, there came a concentration of the anti-Butler opinion ; and when the Boston meetings were over, it was found that the General had carried considerably less than one half the delegates. The meeting in Ward Six may as well be described here, for it was often heard of afterwards, and played an important part in the Convention. We are here somewhat embarrassed to know where to turn for a correct account of this model primary meeting. The paper which could print what General Butler called “ an obscene libel ” on a young lady, and then because he had threatened a lawsuit could pursue him night and day, is not to be trusted. That other organ of personal malignity which had overcharged him seven dollars, may, for aught we know, have instructed its reporter to overcharge his sketch of the caucus in the Sixth Ward. Judge Hoar, chairman of the Committee on Credentials, whose judicial summing we might quote, was clearly incapacitated for forming a sound judgment on the case, for General Butler had opposed the British Treaty. We prefer to take the statement of Mr. Charles K. Whipple, the quietest and most non-political gentleman in Boston, who in a letter to the “ National Standard ” says : “ I found the yells [which he had heard some time before he reached the building] were simply a purposed obstruction to the transaction of any business not favorable to their side. I was told that no chairman had been chosen, and that the tumult had been renewed at every successive attempt to carry on the business of the meeting from the moment it appeared that the candidate of the shouters for the chairmanship was not likely to get a majority. During the hour I remained there, many attempts at business were made, and the forms of motions, amendments, and votes were gone through ; but the racket was such that not a quarter part of the assembly in the crowded ward-room could understand what motions were made. The quietest part of the meeting was during the absence of a delegation which had gone, by vote of the shouters, to seek Collector Russell, and bring him to be chairman.” The Collector, by the way, was not to be found. Mr. Whipple says the disturbance did not come from the colored people whom he saw, but from “a gang of white young men” near him, “who had every appearance of acting by prearrangement to disturb the meeting in case their candidates seemed to be in the minority. There were more than a dozen of them who, keeping together through the various fluctuations of the crowd, yelled in concert.....They also once or twice arranged themselves in attitude convenient for hustling those in front of them, but did not proceed to that manœuvre while I remained.” After an hour or two of turbulence, the meeting broke up, General Butler’s friends keeping possession of the ward-room ; and two delegations were finally chosen.

Coming up from Fall River on the morning of the 19th of September, General Butler had an opportunity to read the sinister paragraph which that new and most dangerous conspirator, Mr. Sumner, had caused to be inserted in the newspapers of the day. In this the editors represented that they had seen Senator Sumner and Senator Wilson, and were “authorized by them to say ” that they “ deeply regretted and deplored the extraordinary canvass which General Butler had precipitated upon the Commonwealth, and especially the attacks which he had volunteered against the existing State government and the Republican party of Massachusetts ; and that in their opinion his nomination as Governor would be hostile to the best interests of the Commonwealth and of the Republican party.” Immediately after the General’s arrival in Boston, he proceeded to Mr. Sumner’s rooms in the Coolidge House, and found the Senator busy over his morning work and comfortably chatting with his colleague. Taking the morning paper from his pocket, the General read the paragraph above quoted. “ This purports to be by authority,” said he ; “is this true ?” “Yes, General.” Turning to Senator Wilson, “ Did you concur, sir?” “I did.” After a moment’s pause, as if he had expected some modification, the General remarked to Mr. Sumner that there was a time when he was lying upon his bed, struck down and suffering. “ I called upon you,” said he, “ to express my sympathy ; and now you are co-operating with one who at that time sat down to supper with your assailant. And now you strike me a blow on the head.” “ You are figurative, General,” said Senator Sumner ; “ I have struck you no blow on the head, but have simply stated to the people what I think of your present course. Had you allowed your name to go before the people as other candidates do, according to our usage, I should have quietly waited the action of the Convention. But you have come forward a self-seeker, attacking the Republican party and the existing State government, making war on them for the purpose of elevating yourself. I do not think this is a good example. You are demoralizing the people. Such a system carried out, as it might be by all candidates for office, would be Bedlam again, besides the spoils system with a vengeance.” The General here began to insist that his speeches were not correctly reported; but the Senator reminded him that the Springfield and Worcester speeches were evidently written out or revised by himself, and these speeches were enough. Baffled at this point, General Butler brought up his reserves. “This all comes,” he retorted, “ of your hostility to Grant;

I am for him and you are against him. I have foreseen this, but thought it would not come before May ; but I am ready for it. You have always been against Grant, and every measure of his administration.” “Ah!” said Mr, Sumner, “every measure? Be good enough, General, to name one.” “ The San Domingo Treaty.” “Waiving the question,” said Mr. Sumner, “ whether this was an administration measure, be good enough to name another.” To this there was no answer. “ You are silent, General; please mention one other ! ” The General remained tranquil. “ You are still silent, General Butler ! You mention only the San Domingo Treaty, and yet you allege that I have been against every measure of the administration. I ask again for an answer. Now, General,” (after a pause,) “have you not been against the Treaty? so that, in opposition to the administration, we are even.” General Butler then proceeded to quote certain language which he alleged Mr. Sumner had used in disparagement of the President, adding, “ I have an affidavit of it.” The Senator said that this matter of obtaining affidavits seemed a little too much according to the practice of the criminal courts. “ But,” said he, “ General, to be frank, do you think any better of General Grant than I do ? ” No answer. “You are silent, General ; you do not answer me. I ask you again, Do you think any better of Grant than I do ? I know you do not. This I know.” Here Senator Wilson joined in the conversation and it became less pointed, and in a few minutes General Butler took his leave.

The language which he had procured to be taken down and sworn to appeared a day or two after in one of the newspapers friendly to his enterprise, and is chiefly interesting as showing the progress of the detective system in the personal intercourse of members of Congress.

Delegates to the Convention were now rapidly chosen, and General Butler succeeded in Lowell and Gloucester, — in fact, in all his residences. On the 26th of September, the delegates began to rally in great numbers at Worcester. General Butler went up early in the day, and sought an interview with Hon. George F. Hoar, who had been invited to preside. It was soon after announced that no opposition would be made to Mr. Hoar. Bulletins were posted by Butler’s friends, announcing the great strength of their favorite candidate ; to which opposition bulletins replied, placing the General far below “anti-Butler” in the scale. In the course of the day conference committees were appointed by the supporters of Messrs. Washburn, Rice, and Loring; and although they came to no union on that day, much was done to concentrate the opposition to General Butler ; and his opponents estimated that if they could unite the next day they would be able to cast 630 or more votes against him, out of about 1100 delegates. Butler’s friends, on the other hand, claimed 529, with 20 or 30 doubtful, and more to come in; and they counted on his nomination on the second or third ballot, if not on the first. On Wednesday morning there seemed no better prospect of a union between the friends of the anti-Butler candidates. But the General himself stepped in and did what he could to rescue the imperilled cause of his enemies. His own errors in the Convention were not more marked than the consummate generalship of his opponents. Mr. Hoar kept the delegates admirably in order throughout the day. Mr. Dawes began the contest by involving General Butler in a considerable number of controversies, and inducing him to exhibit to the Convention a specimen of those peculiar tactics which had damaged his cause with the best people wherever he had spoken ; the demeanor of the candidate, his appeal to the delegates to let “the people ” into the already crowded galleries, his attempt at personal leadership of his men, all failed to make an impression in his favor. Meanwhile, Judge E. R. Hoar was put at the head of the Committee on Credentials ; capable men attended to the details of the balloting, and everything was made ready for a fair expression of the opinion of the whole assembly. Some seventy or eighty delegates were contested, on one side or the other. The Committee on Credentials, after debating these questions several hours, gave most of the contested seats to Butler. But in the case of Ward Six, Boston, and the town of Hyde Park, they decided against him. In opposing the report of the committee in these cases, the General made his most conspicuous mistake. The anti - Butler men from Hyde Park were admitted by a nearly unanimous vote. Ward Six came next. Precautions were taken for a careful counting of the votes for and against the report of the committee, and after the parties had been heard, and Judge Hoar had summed up the case for the committee, and Mr. Carter had replied in behalf of the Butler delegation, the vote was taken by counties, one teller being appointed from each party. As the delegates rose, it was easy to see how nearly the estimates of the Butler party and of the other side agreed with the actual result, for it was evident at once that here was a test question of the General’s strength. The result was 460 for the admission of the Butler delegates, and 607 against it. The spell was broken, and the pent-up feeling of the brow-beaten delegates burst forth in long - continued and tremendous shouts, which had hardly ceased when Mr. W. W. Rice moved for the appointment of a committee to receive the votes for governor. Mr. A. H. Rice and Dr. Loring had previously, at the right time and with judicious eloquence, withdrawn. The forces converged at the precise moment, and when the committee reported, it was found that Mr. Washburn had received 643 votes ; General Butler 464, and that only nine delegates had “scattered.” And thus was the prophecy non-fulfilled with which General Butler’s friends had beguiled him in that unhappy moment when he returned from Washington, disgusted with Presidential intrigues and burning to reform the politics of the Commonwealth.

These last proceedings, beginning at 7 P. M., lasted until midnight. The time was not grudgingly given, however, except perhaps by General butler himself, to whom the vote on the Ward Six case and the subsequent balloting must have seemed a tedious piece of routine. The tremendous applause which, when he entered the hall in the morning, seemed the presage of victory in the Convention and at the polls, now, at the end of the long contest, vexed his ear; and the people who were admitted on his motion to share his triumph seemed to him and to everybody else to enjoy, as well as the delegates, his defeat. He rose, after a moment or two, and announced his purpose to support the nomination and to work inside of the party for those reforms which he had so much at heart. And after making its other nominations, the Convention went its way. As far as the Republican party of Massachusetts was concerned, personal government was repudiated.

General Butler had early proclaimed himself in favor of President Grant’s renomination, and in his few cautious allusions to the senatorial pronunciamento against him tried to make it appear, as in the interview at the Coolidge House, that the senior Senator’s opposition to the President was the secret of the opposition to him. It will not be wise for the administration to conclude that this theory is a correct one. The Republicans of the State, disorganized by long success, divided as to their candidates, with no man before them capable of awakening personal enthusiasm throughout the various sections, united at last upon the man opposed to General Butler who seemed numerically strongest in the Convention, simply because they were determined not to allow their organization to be subverted to the personal will of a personal leader, the representative of nothing but himself and some of the worst tendencies of modern politics. The lesson ought to recall other States to their political duties, and not be lost upon the national administration itself.

“ Warrington.”