Bin Salman’s consolidation of power could mean more conflict and instability in the region—he’s dismissed any prospect of negotiating with Iran, saying the Islamic Republic seeks to dominate the Muslim world and displace Saudi Arabia from its traditional role as the guardian of Islam’s two holiest cities, Mecca and Medina, where the religion was founded. “We know we are a major target for the Iranian regime,” bin Salman told a Saudi TV network last month. “[We] will work so the battle is there in Iran and not in Saudi Arabia.”
The prince’s elevation also brings the House of Saud—at least Salman’s now-dominant branch—closer to the Trump administration. Trump has taken a liking to the young prince, who’s also struck up an alliance with Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law and senior adviser. In March, bin Salman met with Trump at the White House to lay the groundwork for Trump’s visit last month to Saudi Arabia, the first stop on his maiden foreign trip. Kushner and bin Salman continued to work out the details for several weeks, ensuring that Trump would get a grandiose reception in Riyadh, where he addressed dozens of Arab and Muslim leaders assembled by the Saudis. In an earlier government shakeup in April, Salman appointed his son, Prince Khalid bin Salman, a fighter pilot believed to be in his late 20s with no political or diplomatic experience, as the Saudi ambassador to the United States. The king’s message was clear to Trump, who has also put close relatives in positions of power: There would be a direct line between the House of Saud and the House of Trump.
Once Trump took office, the Saudis had high hopes—and they haven’t been disappointed. Trump and his top advisers shifted U.S. policy toward more explicit support for Saudi Arabia and constant criticism of Iran. The Trump administration’s anti-Iran rhetoric—and its focus on Tehran as the biggest source of instability in the region—fits well with the newly emboldened Saudi leadership. For decades, the kingdom pursued a largely behind-the-scenes foreign policy that benefited from economic expansion fueled by soaring oil prices. Saudi leaders exerted their power by funding proxies, media outlets, and friendly Arab and Muslim politicians. For example, after Egypt’s military-led a coup against the Muslim Brotherhood-dominated government in July 2013, the Saudis provided more than $12 billion to keep the Egyptian economy afloat, and pressed two other Arab monarchies to pledge more aid. In the summer of 2015, WikiLeaks released a trove of leaked Saudi diplomatic cables that showed the kingdom’s extensive checkbook diplomacy.
The Saudis largely avoided direct military intervention. But that changed in early 2015, when Salman ascended to the throne after the death of his brother, King Abdullah, who was in power for 20 years. Instead of relying on U.S. military intervention and battling Iran through proxies and economic diplomacy, as his predecessor had done, Salman and his inner circle quickly adopted a more aggressive foreign policy. As oil prices plummeted, he launched a war against Houthi rebels in Yemen after only two months in power. Salman also appointed his then-29-year-old son as deputy crown prince and defense minister to oversee the Yemen campaign. The kingdom’s leaders made it clear they were prepared to confront Iran in their growing regional proxy war, which extended through Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Bahrain, and Lebanon. As the German intelligence memo put it: “Saudi Arabia wants to prove that it is ready to take unprecedented military, financial, and political risks in order not to fall into a disadvantageous position in the region.”