China considers cracking down on outspoken musicians by requiring them to have a degree. Why?
Sir Elton John receives an Honorary Doctorate from the Royal Academy of
Music at the Academy's 2002 graduation ceremony, London, July 3, 2002. (Peter Macdiarmid/Reuters)
While it is axiomatic these days that you need to go to college to get ahead in life, there are a few professions in which having a four-year degree isn't
strictly necessary. Basketball players, for example, need not have a degree to be successful at their craft, something LeBron James (among others) has
Music would seem to be another case in which schooling plays a minor role in determining success. But in China, this may soon cease to be the case.
According to a recent article in The Guardian, Chinese culture minister Cai Wu has apparently demanded that all foreign musicians who perform in the
country have college degrees.
Somewhere, Justin Bieber just hired an SAT tutor.
Cai's suggestion comes on the heels of an Elton John concert in Beijing last November, after which the musical icon dedicated his performance to the
"spirit and talent" of dissident artist Ai Weiwei. Though John was permitted to play a subsequent show in Guangzhou in December, his comments did not sit
well with China's authorities, and it is unclear whether he'll be invited back to play in the country.
China has long been highly sensitive to celebrity statements about the country. In 2008, the Icelandic singer Bjork triggered a minor scandal when she
shouted "Tibet!" three times at a concert in Shanghai, apparently in the misguided hope that her screams would foment an independence movement in the
Celebrities the world over have always shown the predilection toward speaking out on politics. The question, then, is why China cares what they say. A
country with the world's second-largest economy, one would think, has bigger matters to attend to than a singer who peaked in popularity more than three decades
ago. But by floating his absurd proposal that foreign performers have university degrees, Cai Wu managed to perpetuate China's image as a petty country
unable to take criticism.
Then again, Cai and other Chinese leaders have another audience in mind: China's people.
Beijing has long gone to great lengths to combat real or perceived
slights to its image, a policy that bolsters its reputation as the defenders of China's national honor. It's this defense, accompanied by its stewardship
of the economy, that gives the ruling Communist Party its legitimacy. So while it's unlikely that many Chinese even knew about Elton John's comments, a
fair number would be pleased to hear that the government won't take a foreign star's comments lying down.
Better-behaved foreign musicians need not be deterred from entering the Chinese market, however. The recent Spring Festival gala, an annual variety show
commemorating the Chinese New Year, featured a performance by the lithe Canadian singer Celine Dion. And while none could deny her immense talent, Dion, it should be
noted, never went to college.
Trump’s attacks on the free press don’t just threaten the media—they undermine the public’s capacity to think, act, and defend democracy.
Are Donald Trump’s latest attacks on the press really that bad? Are they that out-of-the-ordinary, given the famous record of complaints nearly all his predecessors have lodged? (Even George Washington had a hostile-press problem.)
Are the bellows of protest from reporters, editors, and others of my press colleagues justified? Or just another sign that the press is nearly as thin-skinned as Trump himself, along with being even less popular?
I could prolong the buildup, but here is the case I’m going to make: Yes, they’re that bad, and worse.
I think Trump’s first month in office, capped by his “enemy of the people” announcement about the press, has been even more ominous and destructive than the Trump of the campaign trail would have prepared us for, which is of course saying something. And his “lying media” campaign matters not only in itself, which it does, but also because it is part of what is effectively an assault by Trump on the fundamentals of democratic governance.
Plagues, revolutions, massive wars, collapsed states—these are what reliably reduce economic disparities.
Calls to make America great again hark back to a time when income inequality receded even as the economy boomed and the middle class expanded. Yet it is all too easy to forget just how deeply this newfound equality was rooted in the cataclysm of the world wars.
The pressures of total war became a uniquely powerful catalyst of equalizing reform, spurring unionization, extensions of voting rights, and the creation of the welfare state. During and after wartime, aggressive government intervention in the private sector and disruptions to capital holdings wiped out upper-class wealth and funneled resources to workers; even in countries that escaped physical devastation and crippling inflation, marginal tax rates surged upward. Concentrated for the most part between 1914 and 1945, this “Great Compression” (as economists call it) of inequality took several more decades to fully run its course across the developed world until the 1970s and 1980s, when it stalled and began to go into reverse.
The journalist’s comments suggest gay men enjoy sex with children—an idea that has been widely debunked.
In the comment that cost him his book deal and speaker slot at the Conservative Political Action Conference, the Breitbart journalist and right-wing provocateur Milo Yiannopoulos defended “relationships in which those older men help those young boys to discover who they are.”
In the video, a clip of an old podcast episode that was tweeted this weekend by the group Reagan Battalion, Yiannopoulos says he isn’t defending pedophilia, before adding that “in the gay world, some of the most enriching ... relationships between younger boys and older men can be hugely positive experiences.” (Yiannopoulos later blamed “sloppy phrasing," saying when he was 17 he was in a relationship with a 29-year-old man. The age of consent in the U.K. is 16.)
Neither truck drivers nor bankers would put up with a system like the one that influences medical residents’ schedules.
The path to becoming a doctor is notoriously difficult. Following pre-med studies and four years of medical school, freshly minted M.D.s must spend anywhere from three to seven years (depending on their chosen specialty) training as “residents” at an established teaching hospital. Medical residencies are institutional apprenticeships—and are therefore structured to serve the dual, often dueling, aims of training the profession’s next generation and minding the hospital’s labor needs.
How to manage this tension between “education and service” is a perennial question of residency training, according to Janis Orlowski, the chief health-care officer of the Association of American Medical Colleges (AAMC). Orlowski says that the amount of menial labor residents are required to perform, known in the profession as “scut work,” has decreased "tremendously" since she was a resident in the 1980s. But she acknowledges that even "institutions that are committed to education … constantly struggle with this,” trying to stay on the right side of the boundary between training and taking advantage of residents.
Megaprojects are rarely, if ever, completed on schedule.
The construction of a massive wall along the border of the United States and Mexico is one of President Donald Trump’s central campaign promises. And it’s a promise he intends to keep.
Within days of taking the oath of office in January, Trump began laying the groundwork for the construction of a series of walls and fences that would span some 1,250 miles along the border. On Monday, the Department of Homeland Security issued a memo outlining its commitment to “begin planning, design, construction and maintenance of a wall” to deter and prevent illegal entry into the United States. The memo follows an executive order in which Trump called for the wall’s “immediate construction.”
Joe Moran’s book Shrinking Violets is a sweeping history that doubles as a (quiet) defense of timidity.
The Heimlich maneuver, in the nearly 50 years since Dr. Henry Heimlich established its protocol, has been credited with saving many lives. But not, perhaps, as many as it might have. The maneuver, otherwise so wonderfully simple to execute, has a marked flaw: It requires that choking victims, before anything can be done to help them, first alert other people to the fact that they are choking. And some people, it turns out, are extremely reluctant to do so. “Sometimes,” Dr. Heimlich noted, bemoaning how easily human nature can become a threat to human life, “a victim of choking becomes embarrassed by his predicament and succeeds in getting up and leaving the area unnoticed.” If no one happens upon him, “he will die or suffer permanent brain damage within seconds.”
The preconditions are present in the U.S. today. Here’s the playbook Donald Trump could use to set the country down a path toward illiberalism.
It’s 2021, and President Donald Trump will shortly be sworn in for his second term. The 45th president has visibly aged over the past four years. He rests heavily on his daughter Ivanka’s arm during his infrequent public appearances.
Fortunately for him, he did not need to campaign hard for reelection. His has been a popular presidency: Big tax cuts, big spending, and big deficits have worked their familiar expansive magic. Wages have grown strongly in the Trump years, especially for men without a college degree, even if rising inflation is beginning to bite into the gains. The president’s supporters credit his restrictive immigration policies and his TrumpWorks infrastructure program.
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The Border Adjustment Tax, a proposal favored by House Speaker Paul Ryan, has aroused serious opposition from Republican senators.
Donald Trump is feeling good about taxes. In his gonzo press conference last Thursday, he assured Americans that “very historic tax reform” is absolutely on track and is going to be—wait for it!—“big league.” The week before, he told a bunch of airline CEOs that “big league” reform was “way head of schedule” and that his people would be announcing something “phenomenal” in “two or three weeks.” And at his Orlando pep rally this past weekend, he gushed about his idea for a punitive 35 percent border tax on products manufactured overseas. The magic is happening, people. And soon America’s tax code will be the best, most beautiful in the world.
But here’s the thing. What Trump doesn’t know about the legislative process could overflow the pool at Mar-a Lago. And when it comes to tax reform, even minor changes make Congress lose its mind. Weird fault lines appear, and the next thing you know, warring factions have painted their faces blue and vowed to die on the blood-soaked battlefield before allowing this marginal rate to change or that loophole to close.
A senator has joined human-rights groups in opposing warrantless scans of travelers' digital devices.
For years, travelers entering into the U.S.—whether they’re citizens or not—have been pulled aside at the border and pressured into giving up passwords to their phones and other electronic devices. Customs agents have claimed the authority for these searches under the auspices of a broad exception to Fourth Amendment rights that applies at the border.
But Senator Ron Wyden, a Democrat from Oregon, has a few questions about that legal authority. He sent a letter to the secretary of the Department of Homeland Security on Monday, expressing dismay at reports that people were being asked to unlock and hand over their smartphones at the border. He also said he’s planning on introducing a bill to require agents to get a warrant before searching a device, and to prevent DHS from implementing a new policy that would require foreign visitors to turn over their online passcodes before visiting the U.S.