Greece's controversial decision to put the European bail-out to a national vote is a rejection of European collective rule
German Chancellor Angela Merkel speaks with Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou and French President Nicolas Sarkozy during a round table meeting at an EU summit in Brussels / AP
For the past decade or so, foreign policy theorists and columnists have been telling us the era of the nation-state is over; national sovereignty is already eroding, and will only become less relevant. Borders are permeable, citizens and corporations are global, and supranationalism -- think structures like the European Union, United Nations, and World Trade Organization -- abounds.
Yet as European leaders and stunned markets found out on Monday, national sovereignty is alive and well in Greece. Monday morning, Prime Minister Papandreou announced a move that puts Europe's hard-won plan to bail out Greece's at risk. Instead of saying "thank you," the Greek people are now going to vote on whether or not they actually want the bail-out, which comes with strings attached. The other European countries who are putting their own financial security on the line to bail out Greece and other troubled nations are, unsurprisingly, astounded.
As the Wall Street Journal's Terence Roth puts it in a great explainer on the surprise development, "Referendums are anathema in [EU capital city] Brussels, where scripted summits and handed-down directives are more the style than popular votes and their messy democratic outcomes."
Referenda have plagued the European supranational structure for years. In 2000, a referendum in Denmark rejected the euro. In 2001, Ireland held a referendum on approving a treaty to reform the European Union, which failed with a shockingly low turnout (the treaty was later approved).* A new EU constitution -- "three years in the making," the BBC reminds us -- was scuttled in 2005 after failing to win referenda in France and the Netherlands. More recently, Ireland failed to ratify the Lisbon Treaty in 2008. After some modifications, it passed on the second go-round.
If the nation-state is fading, how are such obvious exercises of popular -- and popular national -- sovereignty as these referenda still bringing integration projects, and even rescue projects, to a halt? Of course, proponents of the end-of-nation-state theory might answer that there is bound to be some back-and-forth on the way to the future: sovereignty is the clear issue in supranational transitions, and while national sovereignty is well-established, we've yet to see a workable mode of supranational sovereignty emerge.
It's a debate we have even in the U.S., for example whenever binding international treaties on carbon emissions come up. It seems that Americans -- and particularly Americans in the government -- aren't too keen on giving enforcement rights to anyone other than the American government. It's also why the UN often has so much trouble with enforcement. It's fine when some international institution is making it easier for corporations to work across borders, or telling someone else to do something. It starts looking like less of a great idea when it's telling you to do something.
Calls for new elections are rife, with the opposition parties pushing hard to topple Mr. Papandreou's government.
His solution was to call the bluff by offering what effectively is a vote on whether or not to stay in the euro. Polls show that while more than half of Greek voters hate the reform programs after four years of recession and mass layoffs, three out of four want to remain in the euro zone.
In a way, it's not surprising Papandreou resorted to this earlier method of
establishing legitimacy and organizing populations. The standard refrain in the media is that the economic
problems of the past few years have exposed the problems already
present in a variety of institutions, not least the euro zone and the
EU, which was always a little ungainly. Crisis can pull people
together, but it can also highlight structural weakness.
level of individual narrative, this Greek referendum still looks
bonkers. Papandreou could have made himself even more
vulnerable with this referendum idea -- certainly his party isn't pleased. Greece's financial
situation is obviously now in even greater jeopardy. And the other European countries are,
after all that work and pledges of money, understandably outraged. From
certain more academic perspectives, though, perhaps even the
out-of-fashion Durkheimian view of society as a independent,
self-replicating organism, it makes a lot of sense. And either way, as
a test case for those theories or just a potential trainwreck in slow
motion, it's riveting.
* -- This article originally stated that a 2001 Irish referendum rejected joining the European Union. In fact, that referendum rejected the Treaty of Nice, which reformed the EU. Ireland has been a member since 1973. We regret the error.
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