When it comes to health care and entitlements, the party’s policies don't always align with its coalition’s beliefs.
Ahead of the midterms, Democrats may have the chance to attract a broader-than-usual coalition of voters—especially among American women uneasy about President Trump.
Some of the areas hit hardest by the public-health crisis are the most dependent on federal coverage. They also happen to be in Trump country.
Ten Democratic senators from states Donald Trump carried are up for reelection next year—and they’re betting that resistance to the president’s agenda will win over voters.
The House and Senate proposals benefit those at the top explicitly at the expense of the lower middle class—and voters are beginning to notice.
The party’s recent special-election losses aren’t necessarily a bad omen for 2018. But they show how Democrats need better answers to the GOP’s most effective arguments.
Congressional Republicans and President Trump are governing in a manner that appeals only to their base, not the wider electorate. That could have consequences through 2020.
The president is betting on his three favored industries—manufacturing, mining, and construction—to drive growth. But those sectors have been shrinking for decades.
It’s difficult to overstate how directly the president’s plans clash with the marketplace and policy at all other levels of government.
A new analysis of the 2016 electorate offers warning signs to Republicans, whose base continues to shrink. (There are red lights flashing Democrats' way, too.)
Seven of the state’s Republican representatives look particularly vulnerable in 2018. And they share a few things in common.
The president’s full budget includes reductions in income-support programs that core Republican voters rely on—more so than other groups do.
After a week of controversies, and with midterms not too far away, it’s no longer impossible to envision congressional Republicans turning against the president.
Richard Nixon’s dismissal of the Watergate special prosecutor was met with bipartisan outrage. It’s less clear whether the public, and its political leaders, will respond in kind to the firing of FBI director James Comey.
Most of the House Republicans whose districts have recently voted for Democratic presidential candidates supported the Obamacare-replacement bill. That might have been a risky move.
The party has a boom-and-bust coalition: Some of its most reliable voters during presidential elections—young people and minorities—don’t turn out as enthusiastically for midterms.
Republican members of Congress who oppose the Obamacare replacement have something in common: Their constituents—who tend to be older—fear losing benefits.
In the party’s bid to regain power, centrists and Bernie Sanders’s allies offer seemingly incompatible strategies—that target wildly different voters.
Americans are often expected to have some level of higher education before they enter the workforce. These political leaders are asking: Shouldn’t government help them along?
There are dozens of congressional seats nationwide that share similarities with this conservative area near Atlanta—where a special election scheduled for Tuesday has been unusually competitive.