The culture war over religious morality has faded; in its place is something much worse.
The president’s attacks on his predecessor may be intended to discredit the results of any inquiry into his 2016 campaign’s contacts with Russian officials.
Liberals must defend the right of conservative students to invite speakers of their choice, even if they find their views abhorrent.
The president’s focus on crimes committed by members of one particular group singles them out for blame.
The president has faced pressure to condemn anti-Semitism, but does not face the same demands to condemn anti-Muslim sentiment.
Presidents are supposed to show empathy for their anxious constituents. But when it comes to anti-Semitism, the only person Trump shows empathy for is himself.
The bureaucracy, the press, the judiciary, and the public are not only pushing back, they’re having some success.
For conservative publications, the business model is opposing the left. And that means opposing the people who oppose Trump.
There’s no evidence that the president thinks innocence, or non-violence, are principles to which the United States should aspire.
Conservative students have the right to bring obnoxious bigots to speak on campus and other students have a right to protest. But controversial speakers should be allowed to speak.
For his predecessors, American exceptionalism was rooted in the nation’s values and ideas. For this president, it means something very different.
People are fleeing in part because of American foreign-policy decisions.
For generations, American presidents have vowed to use their power to spread freedom around the globe. But the president-elect is set to break with that precedent.
Two sets of statements tell radically different stories about who was being attacked, and why.
David Friedman is the president-elect's latest high-level appointee with little substantive experience, but who looks like the kind of person who might possess it.
In 1948, a reactionary candidate rode a wave of racial and economic resentment to power in South Africa—a reminder that moral progress does not always move forward.
Ideological and civilizational conservatives united in opposition to the Soviet Union, but divide on whether Putin’s Russia is a totalitarian enemy, or a defender of the Christian west.
His paranoid style paved the road for Trumpism. Now he fears what’s been unleashed.
The Republican Party long insisted that the troubles of the inner city were cultural—but rather than apply the same logic to struggling blue-collar communities, Trump blamed their problems on external forces.
The founders envisioned electors as people who could prevent an irresponsible demagogue from taking office.