The whole American government is premised on the idea that politicians will act in their own interests. A Senate that won’t protect itself from attack can’t protect the country.
The multiday spectacle gave viewers little understanding of the most important issue the Court will rule on: how Americans vote and whether those votes matter.
The concept of precedent isn’t valuable just for the guidance it provides but also for the confidence it instills in political and legal systems. Republicans are treating it recklessly.
Never mind what the courts say tomorrow. The president speaks the law as it is understood and applied today.
For decades, the department has interpreted the Constitution to err on the side of country first. Now all that has changed.
Even if the president can’t mandate the states to reopen their economies, he can still do plenty to force that outcome.
There is no magic in the DPA’s mere invocation. The question is what that invocation makes possible and whether it serves the country’s complex supply needs.
This is a profound misunderstanding of the American constitutional system.
No longer will presidents live with the possibility of being removed from office. But that’s not to say Congress is powerless.
A decision to remove the president from office should not turn on public opinion.
The Constitution originally provided for the selection of senators by state legislatures, but the Seventeenth Amendment changed that, and with it, the Senate itself.
The chief justice’s role in the impeachment trial is a limited one, and he should be able to manage it easily without putting his or the Court’s legitimacy at risk.
The Founders gave the executive branch immense authority—but also counted on the people to hold their leaders in check.
And that means it’s Congress’s job to set boundaries around presidential power.