Without better information, the debate was largely theoretical. Now, a report out of both Tunisia and Egypt fills in key details.
The hot and at times vicious debate about whether Facebook (where "Facebook" stood for all things social on the Internet) unleashed the revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia has been long on theory and short on reporting. Despite the shouting match, there is one thing everyone agrees on: activists in these countries used social media. Even Malcolm Gladwell who has argued repeatedly against Twitter's power wrote, "Surely the least interesting fact about them is that some of the protesters may (or may not) have at one point or another employed some of the tools of the new media to communicate with one another. Please." The debate has pretty much accepted this as a given and has instead centered around what effect, if any, these tools had.
But while everyone "knows" this at some level -- we've seen the Facebook groups and the retweets -- the details have been fuzzy. And without better details the debate has been "dumb," as Jay Rosen of NYU put it. That's no one's fault: In the midst of a revolution, it was not always easy to suss out the details of who was leading it, what social tools they were using, and what effects those tools were having. But now that the dust has started to settle, journalists and academics are beginning to piece together that story. And unlike the story so often told that begins with a poor vegetable seller lighting himself on fire in the middle of last December, the story that examines these questions begins more than a decade ago, when Tunisian activists first started going online.
How did Tunisians and Egyptians use social media during the uprisings?
We decided to answer that question by reporting what actually happened, and we sent Pollock, a writer who specializes in Africa, to interview the principals behind the region's youth movements.
Pollock's piece (and for the love of journalism read the whole thing, not just my reflection on it) follows the journey of two Tunisians known as "Foetus" and "Waterman" (their real names are unknown even to Pollock) whose organization, Takriz, helped incite the mass protests against Tunisia's president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Takriz, Pollock writes, began as a "cyber think tank" in 1998. Early on, its aims were freedom of speech and affordable Internet access. Pollock writes:
Waterman recalls that the Internet was the only viable option for organizers in 1998, because other media were controlled by Ben Ali. Foetus, Takriz's chief technology officer, a skilled hacker who started hacking because he couldn't afford Tunisia's then-exorbitant phone and Internet costs, saw another advantage online: safety. Takriz meetings "in real life" meant "spies and police and all these Stasi," he says, using the term for East Germany's secret police. "Online we could be anonymous."
Over the next decade, more and more Tunisians slowly came online. Even in 2008, when protests broke out in Tunisia's mining region, fewer than 30,000 Tunisians were on Facebook. Ben Ali's online censorship was so severe that Tunisia ranked below Iran and China on measures of Internet Freedom. But by the end of 2009, more than 800,000 Tunisians had Facebook accounts and when Ben Ali fled earlier this year, the number was just shy of two million, nearly a fifth of the country's total population.
Takriz used many other online tools: It created a fake Twitter account and website for Tunisia's foreign minister. Activists used Skype and Mumble to talk to one another over the Internet. One activist even used Foursquare to broadcast his location when he was being held in the Ministry of the Interior. "We were online every day," Foetus told Pollock, "and on the streets pretty much every day, collecting information, collecting videos, organizing protests, getting into protests."