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James Fallows

James Fallows - James Fallows is a national correspondent for The Atlantic and has written for the magazine since the late 1970s. He has reported extensively from outside the United States, and once worked as President Carter's chief speechwriter. His latest book, China Airborne, will be published in May.
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James Fallows is based in Washington as a national correspondent for The Atlantic. He has worked for the magazine for nearly 30 years and in that time has also lived in Seattle, Berkeley, Austin, Tokyo, Kuala Lumpur, Shanghai, and Beijing. He was raised in Redlands, California, received his undergraduate degree in American history and literature from Harvard, and received a graduate degree in economics from Oxford as a Rhodes scholar. In addition to working for The Atlantic, he has spent two years as chief White House speechwriter for Jimmy Carter, two years as the editor of US News & World Report, and six months as a program designer at Microsoft. He is an instrument-rated private pilot. He is also now the chair in U.S. media at the US Studies Centre at the University of Sydney, in Australia.

Fallows has been a finalist for the National Magazine Award five times and has won once; he has also won the American Book Award for nonfiction and a N.Y. Emmy award for the documentary series Doing Business in China. He was the founding chairman of the New America Foundation. His two most recent books, Blind Into Baghdad (2006) and Postcards From Tomorrow Square (2009), are based on his writings for The Atlantic; he is at work on another book about China. He is married to Deborah Fallows, author of the recent book Dreaming in Chinese. They have two married sons.

Fallows welcomes and frequently quotes from reader mail sent via the "Email" button below. Unless you specify otherwise, we consider any incoming mail available for possible quotation -- but not with the sender's real name unless you explicitly state that it may be used. If you are wondering why Fallows does not use a "Comments" field below his posts, please see previous explanations here and here.

Election-watch 2006: Shanghai edition

By James Fallows
Nov 17 2006, 7:49 AM ET

I have met exactly one person in China who professed admiration for George W. Bush. This was a retired senior PLA officer, no softie himself, who said he respected Bush because "he is tough man." The more common Chinese view resembles what Americans have gotten used to hearing in England, France, Japan, [choose your country] since the run-up to the Iraq war late in 2002. People think the Bush administration has been too high-handed, too ham-handed, and a lot of other things that resemble the way Democrats in America have felt. The day after the midterm elections I was talking to a Chinese academic who said that what Iraq really needed was a strong-willed leader. He got a twinkle in his eye and said, "Why not send them Bush!"

The difference is that the Americans who don't like Bush and his team are generally happy about the recent election results -- and the Chinese are not so sure.

The Bush Administration has not been popular among Chinese, but it has been useful to China. For one thing, perhaps the main thing, it has been distracted by Iraq. "Like a dog with a bone," is the way a well-connected Chinese friend described it recently. "Too busy to pay attention to anything else." "Anything else" covers the range of things the United States might be bothering China about if its foreign policy weren't dominated by the need to deal with Iraq and minimize other countries' complaints about Iraq. For China this is the familiar list of contentious questions: human rights policy, trade and copyright issues, currency, etc etc.

Moreover, Nancy Pelosi has been bogeymanned in China in a way that has startled me. The Americans who knew about her before the election were either her constituents or those who'd heard the bogeyman line from the GOP: that she was a dreaded "San Francisco Liberal." She seems to have been relatively more famous here than in America, and as the evil symbol of "anti-China" forces in the United States. This is based, most famously, on her having stood in Tiananmen Square in 1991 and unfurled a banner saying "To Those Who Died for Democracy in China." Well-informed people here can reel off a list of speeches she has given about human rights problems in China -- and they know that while her district in San Francisco has a heavy Chinese representation, many are from Taiwan and not friendly to the Chinese central government. Less-informed ones just know her as an enemy.

(Maybe the really well-informed ones will take heart from the latest Murtha-Hoyer dustup and conclude that Pelosi is not going to have that much influence.)

With a group of Chinese university students I tried at one point to discuss the difference between being "pro-human rights" and being "anti-Chinese." I don't think it worked.

What many people here know about Republicans is that they don't like George Bush's style or his handling of Iraq. What they know about Democrats is that they're likely to talk more about economic problems with China and political-liberties in China. Chuck Schumer is becoming as famous for his plan to force a revaluation of the Renminbi as Pelosi already is.

For another day: the big-think question of how the U.S. could make its views properly understood in China -- and, obviously more important, what those views should properly be. Also for another day, why I think Schumer's bill is a bad idea. For now: much of the world is unambiguously happy about America's mid-term elections. There is enough ambiguity in China's reaction (as I've seen it from here, in the financial but not political capital) to go around.
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