Ta-Nehisi Coates

Ta-Nehisi Coates is a senior editor at The Atlantic, where he writes about culture, politics, and social issues. He is the author of the memoir The Beautiful Struggle. More

Born in 1975, the product of two beautiful parents. Raised in West Baltimore -- not quite The Wire, but sometimes ill all the same. Studied at the Mecca for some years in the mid-'90s. Emerged with a purpose, if not a degree. Slowly migrated up the East Coast with a baby and my beloved, until I reached the shores of Harlem. Wrote some stuff along the way.

Anne Hathaway Is Not Your Friend

I've been running around a bit giving talks (no idea what anyone would want me to talk about in February) so I'm late responding to the "Why we don't like Anne Hathaway" story. I use "story" very loosely. You can see samples here, here, here and here

Ann Friedman sums up the state of affairs:

Does EVERY WOMAN ON THE INTERNET baselessly hate Anne Hathaway? I took a quick straw poll. "She is that theater kid with good intentions but secretly annoys the shit out of you," said one friend, adding, "You want to be excited for her and you are but deep down you are kind of rolling your eyes." Another replied, "I think someone told her she was America's sweetheart and she believed it." One friend placed her in the category of "really affected drama queens," saying, "I can imagine her non-ironically yelling 'Acting!'" In other words, she's always onstage, always calculated -- not someone with whom you'd want to party or share your deepest secrets. "I am an Anne Hathaway supporter," said a friend who sidestepped the question of whether or not she finds the actress likable. "Sure, she's kind of needy, but so are all actors."

What does it really mean when we say an actress "annoys the shit" out of us, anyway? That we hate the roles she chooses? The paparazzi'd version of her life we see in US Weekly? Her insufficiently funny quips on the red carpet? Or, as Salon asked today, is it her face? In some ways, the point of sitting on the bleachers of celebrity culture is the thrill of judging with impunity. Unlike our neighbors or co-workers, we convince ourselves that famous actors, by dint of making their living entertaining us, have chosen to be judged. And judge we do. (This isn't just a byproduct of our Twitter-enforced instapundit culture, either: "Let's get Entertainment Weekly and play my favorite new game: Love Her/Hate Him," exclaims Will in a 1999 episode of Will & Grace.)
This makes me feel very very old. I'm reading this but the gears of my 37-year old head are... not so good.

Nevertheless, I would like to propose that Hathaway is laboring under forces that, say, Mark Wahlberg is not. I don't really know if Gary Oldman is a "good guy" or not. I'm not really clear that I'd actually like to have a beer with Denzel Washington or Chiwetel Ejiofor. I pay to watch them work and feel no need to expand the relationship beyond those bounds. 

I recognize that there is an entire publicity industry designed to get us to "like" people whom we essentially pay to see work. And perhaps it's fair to judge whether or not that industry has been effective in making you think you know Hathaway in a way that you probably do not. But the fact remains that you don't really know any of these people.

Anne Hathaway is an actor. This is not a synonym for "Homecoming Queen" nor "special friend." She does her job better than most. That should be enough.

The Ghetto, Public Policy, and the Jewish Exception

The other day I wrote about differences in how two sectors of Chicago's white community responded to the prospect of integration. I contrasted the response of Chicago's upper-class whites with its working class white ethnics. I am coming to hate all of these terms for their lack of precision. Chicago's white Jewish community demonstrates the problem. When I was researching my article on Detroit, African Americans generally told me that it was usually in the Jewish communities where desegregation began. Jews proved much more open to renting or selling to black families than other whites. I won't go so far as to say that there were no Jewish race riots in the mid-20th century, but I haven't read about a single one. 

What's more, I don't know how much should be made about the fact that Jews, like other whites, ultimately left after large number of blacks moved in. It is increasingly clear to me that white flight was not a mystical process for which we have no real explanation or understanding. White flight was the policy of our federal, state, and local government. That policy held that Americans should enjoy easy access to the cities via the automobile and live in suburbs without black people, who by their very nature degraded property and humanity.

I wish I were exaggerating. From Beryl Satter's Family Properties:

In the 1930s, the U.S. appraisal industry opposed the "mixing" of the races, which it believed would cause "the decline of both the human race and of property values." Appraisers ensured segregation through their property rating system. They ranked properties, blocks, and even whole neighborhoods according to a descending scheme of A (green), B (blue), C (yellow), and D (red). A ratings went to properties located in "homogenous" areas -- ones that (in one appraiser's words) lacked even "a single foreigner or Negro." Properties located in neighborhoods containing Jewish residents were riskier; they were marked down to a B or C. If a neighborhood had black residents it was marked as D, or red, no matter what their social class or how small a percentage of the population they made up. These neighborhoods' properties were appraised as worthless or likely to decline in value. In short, D areas were "redlined," or marked as locations in which no loans should be made for either purchasing or upgrading properties.

The FHA embraced these biases. It collected detailed maps of the present and likely future location of African Americans, and used them to determine which neighborhoods would be denied mortgage insurance. Since banks and savings and loan institutions often relied upon FHA rating maps when deciding where to grant their mortgages, the FHA's appraisal policies meant that blacks were excluded by definition from most mortgage loans. 

The FHA's Underwriting Manual also praised restrictive covenants as "the surest protection against undesirable encroachment" of "inharmonious racial groups." The FHA did not simply recommend the use of restrictive covenants but often insisted upon them as a condition for granting mortgage insurance....the FHA effectively standardized and nationalized the hostile but locally variable racial biases of the private housing industry.

More »

A Flawed America in Context

Last night I gave a talk at Boston University. Afterward I spent some time with a group that included two of my former history professors at Howard University, who are now working at BU. These were people who were instrumental in my development and left me with two lessons which inform much of my writing here at The Atlantic

Lesson One: the rejection of the idea that history exists solely to bolster our self-esteem. Coming up, as I did, in a time when history was seen as the great weapon against racism, and in the shadow of a total denigration of black history, it was natural to try to erect a super-noble past. But at Howard I learned that this pose was ultimately reactionary, that no nobility was necessarily conveyed by having a boot on your neck, and that true humanism allowed all of history's actors the full range of features, both laudable and regrettable.

Lesson Two: never confuse a belief system with biology. My post-Revolutionary Europe professor used to begin the class not with the Robespierre and the guillotine, but with images of Africans before the slave trade and after. It became quite clear from these images that something specific had actually happened to alter the way "black Africans" (this is the only term I have available) were seen by "white Europeans" (another unhelpful term). 

It was from there that I began to conceive of systemic racism as something different than mere prejudice, and as an actual process, perfected by actual choices, which were made in response to actual needs. Surely my moral hackles rise at times, but I have never conceived of, say, red-lining as a matter of "bad people" doing something to "good people." "

Toward the end of our meal we began discussing how one can look at racism in history and avoid falling into depression. My answer was two-fold. 1) I enjoy the history for its own sake. I love history whether it has a political lesson to teach, or not. And 2) the history of white racism and its attendent victims is horrifying, but it should be seen in scale. 

A taste of what I mean:

The fugitives who fled from the south after Nordlingen died of plague, hunger and exhaustion in the refugee camp at Frankfort or the overcrowded hospitals of Saxony; seven thousand were expelled from the cantons of Zurich because there was neither food no room for them, at Hanau the gates were closed against them, at Strasbourg they lay thick in the streets through the frosts of winter, so that by day the citizens stepped over their bodies, and by night lay awake listening to the groans of the sick and starving until the magistrates forcibly drove them out, thirty thousand of them.

The Jesuits here and there fought manfully against the overwhelming distress; after the burning and desertion of Eichstatt they sought out the children who were hiding in the cellars, killing and eating rats, and carried them off to care for and educate them; at Hagenau they managed feed the poor out of their stores until the French troops raided their granary and took charge of the grain for the Army.

By the irony of fate the wine harvest of 1634, which should have been excellent, was trampled down by fugitives, and invaders after Nordlingen; that of 635 suffered a like fate, and in the winter, from Wuttemberg to Lorraine, there raged the worst famine of many years. 

At Calw the pastor saw a woman gnawing on the raw flesh of a dead horse on which a hungry dog and some ravens were also feeding. In Alsace the bodies of criminals were torn from the gallows and devoured; in the whole Rhineland they watched the graveyards against marauders who sold the flesh of the newly buried for food; at Zweibrucken a woman confessed to having eater her child. Acorns, goats' skins, grass, were all cooked in Alsace; cats, dogs, and rats were sold in the market at Worms. 

In Fulda and Coburg and near Frankfort and the great refugee camp, men went in terror of being killed and eaten by those maddened by hunger...

That is the great C.V. Wedgwood describing the last years of the Thirty Years War, in which eight million people died, and the population of "Germany" (to the extent it existed) was reduced by a third. One of my professors followed this up by noting that ten million Russians died in the first World War, and then 15 million more died in the second.

When you study racism, with all its attendent woes, there is something comforting about those kind of numbers. It tells you that whatever you are struggling with here is not a deviation from the human experience, but an expression of it. There is very little that "white people" have done to "black people" that I can't imagine them doing to each other. America's particular failings are remarkable because America is remarkable, but they are not particularly deviant or outstanding on the misery index. This is just sort of what we do. The question hanging over us though is this: Is this what we what we will always do?

The Ghetto Is Public Policy

Arnold Hirsch opens Making the Second Ghetto with this undated clipping from the Chicago Sun-Times:

Something is happening to lives and spirits that will never show up in the great housing shortage of the late 40s. Something is happening to the children which might not show up in our social record until the 1970s.

That quote has haunted me for the past couple of weeks, and it came back again in reading this piece on America's yawning wealth gap:

The difference in wealth between typical households in each racial group ballooned to $236,500 in 2009, up from $85,000 in 1984, according to the study, released Wednesday. By 2009, the median net worth of white families was $265,000, while blacks had only $28,500...

Income gains are also a major differentiating factor, even when whites and blacks have similar wage increases. Whites are typically able to put more of their raises towards accumulating wealth because they've already built up a cash cushion. 

Blacks are more likely to use the money to cover emergencies. Inheritances also make it easier for some families to build wealth. Among the families studied, whites were five times more likely to inherit money than blacks, and their typical inheritances were 10 times as big.

White liberals generally prefer to talk about a colorless wealth inequality haunting the country. I'm not opposed to that conversation. But it also needs to be said (loudly) that black/white inequality has, for most of American history, been our explicit public policy, and today, is our implicit public policy.

How We Managed to See Your Boobs

I don't really get Seth McFarlane's riff at the Oscars, or why it was funny. Female nudity in film is nearly as old as the industry itself. Moreover, in the era of the Internet and easy-access porn, the routine was dated.

And here is something darker. Katie McDonough points out that Seth McFarlane's shout-outs freely mixed rape scenes and sex scenes, and real-life violation:

[Scarlett] Johansson isn't even on MacFarlane's list for a film she made. Instead, she made her way into the song because of a real-life invasion of privacy, where her nude photos were stolen from her phone and leaked to the Internet. That is an actual, not fictional violation, and MacFarlane played it for laughs.
That aside, this is really just a continuation of the idea that everything from adultery to rape somehow belongs under the heading "sex scandal."

Evolution of Blog Dancing





With that said, everything I struggle with in writing about the Obama presidency and race is in this video. It's often said that the Obama family's occupation of the White House is only of "symbolic" importance. I don't believe that's true, but even if I did, I think symbols are really important. An unbroken 200-year plus run of white men in the White House must, necessarily, convey that only people meeting such a criteria need apply for the position. 

It's easy to wax cynical about black parents in 2008 saying, between tears, that "Now I can honestly tell my child that they can be anything." Except that it's sort of true. No progressive, pre-Barack Obama, would have said that only having white presidents was irrelevant to American history. I don't know how you can hold the inverse opinion now.

That kind of symbolism comes through in this video with Michelle Obama and Jimmy Fallon. All I can say is that these are sort of moments that, as a black kid in the 80s and 90s, I could not have fathomed. And as sure as the white near-monopoly on the television screen once mattered, this matters. You can't just say, "Yeah but what about...." It all matters.


Yes, but Michelle Malkin Can't Dance


As my label-mate David Graham explains, this Michelle Malkin attempt at skewering Michelle Obama is cringeworthy. Good parody requires a kind of impious respect for its subject. But Michelle Malkin can't dance. Unlike Jimmy Fallon, she only seems dimly aware of the problem this poses. What makes satire work is the "buy-in" taken to its absurd extreme. This is just absurdity with no regard for buy-in.

For the record, I can't dance either. Which is why I don't make videos mocking conservatives who can.

Terrorism and Politics, Clarified

Yesterday, I wrote:

This kind of terrorism was never as effective as the kind of racist power deployed by the upper classes -- at the University of Chicago, for instance. Indeed, Hirsch's study left me thinking of terrorism as a weapon of the weak -- the unsubdued weak, but the weak all the same. Still, terrorism was a kind of power in Chicago, and Hirsch shows how it made it significantly harder for the advocates of integration to create housing across the city. Think of it like this: Al Qaeda can't end air travel, but it can certainly alter it. Likewise, the White Circle League couldn't stop black succession. But they could seal blacks in and thwart integrations.
Framing terrorism as a weapon of "the unsubdued weak" was cause for protest in comments, in a few e-mails, and even one phone call. I think I should have made it clear that the direct victims of terrorism are even weaker, and that "weakness," itself, is not noble. In other words, it needs to be clear the victims of white terrorism were not rich white developers, but black people who -- at that time -- existed almost beyond the protections of the state. 

During Chicago's race riots, police often arrested victims instead of offenders, and at times would put up only faint resistance to terrorist action. I think bringing Al Qaeda into this muddies the waters. The white terrorists of Chicago were not stateless -- they were often operating on of the same motives and working toward the same ends as people further up the class ladder. Indeed, what is so striking in Hirsch's work is that he demonstrates that the anti-black violence of mid-20th century Chicago was near total. The rioters were not only neighborhood toughs, but old men, working men, women with children. And the riots are only the most obvious part of the story. When once considers the actions of developers and the actions of office-holders, what is revealed is every sector of the city -- its business interests, its government, its people, and sometimes even its churches -- employing its particular weaponry to effect a single goal: the subjugation of black people.

I wish I could say I was being hyperbolic. Except that I'm in the middle of Beryl Satter's Family Properties, and I am seeing the same thing all again. This is not the talk of Illuminati or the Tri-Lateral Commission. This is rigorous scholarly history. And yet here is Hirsch again:

Unable to do anything to alter the plans that shaped their lives, Chicago's blacks responded viscerally, charging the planners with conspiracy and reviving an old strain of nativism in response to their ethnic antagonists. The dimensions of the conspiracy varied. Some believed the "plan" was to drive all blacks out of the area between 12th and 63rd streets; others stretched the territory to be "reclaimed" by whites down to 67th. The same new governmental agencies and powers that frightened white ethnics similarly affected blacks - only the latter saw no communists or subversives. "Land-grabbing" realtors, bankers, businessmen. and institutions provided explanation enough. 

There were as many reasons for the perceived conspiracy as there were villains: Blacks were to be pushed out of their desirable inner-city locations and herded to the outskirts of the city or to undesirable suburbs such as Robbins to make way for Loop workers (there was at least some truth to this - not all conspiracies were fantasies); the dispersal of black population was designed to dilute that community's political strength; the use of eminent domain was intended to reduce black property owners to tenancy. 

Whatever the validity of these contending explanations, the blacks employing them - as the whites who discovered their own conspiracies - were responding to the fact that large forces beyond their influence were controlling their lives, a perception as accurate as it was distressing.
How is it, after all our study and exploration; after all our theories of differing conscience, of labor, of capitol, of class struggle, of agrarianism, and industrialism, of plutocrats and workers, we end up where we started? How are we, again, employed in this same small talk, on this same damn corner? How can it be that in any serious investigation of American domestic policy, knowing nothing of the specifics, you can walk into a room, yell "White Supremacy," and have a 50/50 shot at being right?

History is absurd.

Terrorism Is Politics by Other Means

One of the great contributions of Arnold Hirsch's Making The Second Ghetto is the conception of racism not as deviancy, moral degeneracy, or stupidity, but as a political ideology whose employers' tactics differ according to class, but whose goals remain the same. 

The goal of post-war white Chicago was to keep African Americans sealed in the ghetto. Working-class and ethnic whites worked toward this goal through what Hirsch calls "communal violence," which is to say entire communities angling toward terrrorism:

Rioting was undertaken for particular reasons and not as a generalized expression of racial hostility. Those reasons, and not the external forces of social control, were primarily responsible for the development, intensity, and duration of disorder.

This politicized violence erupted with some regularity between the 1940s and 1960s in Chicago. It was it's most spectacular in Cicero. But it occured throughout the city -- at the Airport Homes, in Fernwood Park, in Englewood, in Bridgeport, in Park Manor. Violence was not restricted to "working-class" areas. African-American chemist Percy Julian was named Chicagoan of the Year in 1949. In 1950, white terrorists firebombed Julian's new home in suburban Oak Park. Twice. 

This kind of terrorism was never as effective as the kind of racist power deployed by the upper classes -- at the University of Chicago, for instance. Indeed, Hirsch's study left me thinking of terrorism as a weapon of the weak -- the unsubdued weak, but the weak all the same. Still, terrorism was a kind of power in Chicago, and Hirsch shows how it made it significantly harder for the advocates of integration to create housing across the city. Think of it like this: Al Qaeda can't end air travel, but it can certainly alter it. Likewise, the White Circle League couldn't stop black succession. But they could seal blacks in and thwart integrations. 

The point here is two-fold: First, terrorism in the mid-20th century, in the cradle of the North, was common. Second, the terrorism at least partially worked, and when considered as a compliment to the structural violence of developers and the forces of urban renewal, it certainly worked.

The ghetto is not a mistake. The racism of white ethnics in Chicago was not due to brainwashing, false consciousness or otherwise being too stupid to recognize their interests. On the contrary, it was the political strategy of one community, attempting to subvert the ambitions of another. The strategy was successful. 

Western Thought for Avid Atheists and Sucker MCs

leviathan.jpg

Leviathan (Chapter II: Imagination)

So I need help today, more than usual. Let's start here:

....Imagination, therefore, is nothing but decaying sense; and is found in men and many other living creatures, as well sleeping as waking. 

The decay of sense in men waking is not the decay of the motion made in sense, but an obscuring of it, in such manner as the light of the sun obscureth the light of the stars; which stars do no less exercise their virtue by which they are visible in the day than in the night. But because amongst many strokes which our eyes, ears, and other organs receive from external bodies, the predominant only is sensible; therefore the light of the sun being predominant, we are not affected with the action of the stars. 

And any object being removed from our eyes, though the impression it made in us remain, yet other objects more present succeeding, and working on us, the imagination of the past is obscured and made weak, as the voice of a man is in the noise of the day. From whence it followeth that the longer the time is, after the sight or sense of any object, the weaker is the imagination. For the continual change of man's body destroys in time the parts which in sense were moved: so that distance of time, and of place, hath one and the same effect in us. 

For as at a great distance of place that which we look at appears dim, and without distinction of the smaller parts, and as voices grow weak and inarticulate: so also after great distance of time our imagination of the past is weak; and we lose, for example, of cities we have seen, many particular streets; and of actions, many particular circumstances. This decaying sense, when we would express the thing itself (I mean fancy itself), we call imagination, as I said before. But when we would express the decay, and signify that the sense is fading, old, and past, it is called memory. So that imagination and memory are but one thing, which for diverse considerations hath diverse names.

I was not prepared for so much science in a work of philosophy. More precisely, I am amazed by the hardness--the relentless physicality--of Hobbes' world. I keep thinking of that line from Angeir in The Prestige, "The world is simple, miserable, solid all the way through."

This is Hobbes' world--solid all the way through. Imagination is not some airy thing. It is the impression of some motion against your organs (sense) decaying. And this can be expounded upon by referencing still other physical phenomena--as when the stars in the sky are obscured by the sun, and we can only recall them through "decaying sense." Thus "decay" is not the removal of an impression but its obscuring by some greater force of motion. 

I don't know if I have that right, but my larger point is that Hobbes is not abstract. Reading Leviathan is like watching a mechanic take a part an engine, lay it on the ground and explain how every piece interacts with all the others.

More:

Nevertheless, there is no doubt but God can make unnatural apparitions: but that He does it so often as men need to fear such things more than they fear the stay, or change, of the course of Nature, which he also can stay, and change, is no point of Christian faith. 

But evil men, under pretext that God can do anything, are so bold as to say anything when it serves their turn, though they think it untrue; it is the part of a wise man to believe them no further than right reason makes that which they say appear credible. If this superstitious fear of spirits were taken away, and with it prognostics from dreams, false prophecies, and many other things depending thereon, by which crafty ambitious persons abuse the simple people, men would be would be much more fitted than they are for civil obedience. 

And this ought to be the work of the schools, but they rather nourish such doctrine. For (not knowing what imagination, or the senses are) what they receive, they teach: some saying that imaginations rise of themselves, and have no cause; others that they rise most commonly from the will; and that good thoughts are blown (inspired) into a man by God, and evil thoughts, by the Devil; or that good thoughts are poured (infused) into a man by God, and evil ones by the Devil. 

Some say the senses receive the species of things, and deliver them to the common sense; and the common sense delivers them over to the fancy, and the fancy to the memory, and the memory to the judgement, like handing of things from one to another, with many words making nothing understood.

This reads a lot like the wonderings of a closet atheist. 

Do we have any info on the history of atheism and philosophy? When did it become OK to attack the idea of God? Was Hobbes accused of atheism in his own time? What came out of it, if so? How does his view of God compare to the view of his contemporaries? Descartes comes up a lot here in reference to Hobbes. Any links?

And can I say that "with many words making nothing understood" is awesome?

Last week's discussion here.

The World That Hip-Hop Made





I've been really killing this DOOM collabo with Jake-One, lately. DOOM is, of course, sick with the wordplay, but I've been thinking a lot about the hook which, with some scratching in between, is basically--"Yo son\Git r done." So you have some straight black slang and a sample from Larry the Cable Guy. And it's done by a dude who is, himself, sampling the mythology of The Fantastic Four. Larry's white working classic aesthetic is not really something you would immediately pair with underground hip-hop. Except if you know hip-hop, you would. 

I've talked about this before but the entire aesthetic of hip-hop is sonic democracy. Basically any sound, any where, by any people, or any thing is fodder for hip-hop. Nothing is too low-culture (Get R Done.)  And nothing is too high culture (Miles Davis). 

This is not original to hip-hop. Ray Bradbury captured the same aesthetic:

A conglomerate heap of trash, that's what I am. But it burns with a high flame.
But hip-hop is how it came to me. I was talking with my homeboy Minkah the other day about RG3 and the notion of blackness as "limiting." He said, "It would never occur to me to think of being black as limiting." It's not even RG3. Obama says he is rooted in the black community but "not limited to it." I think I understand what Obama is saying, and yet I kind of don't. I have generally found racism to be limiting. Black people, not so much.

I feel like Nas--I don't even know how to start this...

Here is the thing: I never wanted to leave home. I played D&D and I read comic books and I was a little weird. I was 16. I wasn't good with girls, but, like, who was? I was weird, and so were a lot of other people. Perhaps most importantly is this--whatever happened in the crack years, whatever socio-economic indicators I was on the wrong side of, I felt loved by my parents, my family, my community, and (to be archaic) by my race. And I didn't really feel "different" than other black people. And so when people talk about "black nerds" I have no idea what they mean.

This is my particular experience. Talk to some other black person and you will get another. What I am trying to convey is that what you see here (and what I hope you like here) going from Hobbes to Voyager to Français to CTE to drones is a byproduct of my community (because this is how we talk) and the music I loved as a child. Hip-hop says "All Your Sonics Are Belonging to Us." And all your knowledge too.


The Awesome Irrelevance and Vast Amorality of You




I've spent the past few days on the road talking (mostly) to young people. Many of these conversations have revolved around the difference between education and credentialism. Within that conversation is still another idea--the discomfiting nature of historical study. That is to say, the idea that history was not made to make us feel good, or to raise our self-esteem. On the contrary, an humble engagement  with history--one not rooted in opportunism--is, initially, going to be a downer. 

When I was young the myth of ennobling oppression was all around me, and it was thought that the fact of racism and all its effects proved our inherent goodness. I am sure this notion isn't original to black people. When you've been kicked in the teeth it will always be easier to think of yourself as having been robbed, then having simply lost out. That you would likely be doing the kicking yourself, that your weakness is not kindness is too much to take.

History takes you down a peg. Science too. Our own Rebecca Rosen kicks the ballistics:

Last summer, an eruption on the sun's surface scored a solar weather hat trick, racking up all three of the major phenomenon scientists observe: a solar flare, a coronal mass ejection (CME), and coronal rain, "complex moving structures in association with changes in magnetic field lines that loop up into the sun's atmosphere," NASA explains. The solar flare in the video is not massive, by the sun's standards, but "moderately powerful," as NASA calls it. But what makes the show special is the coronal rain, charged plasma slowly dripping in fiery loops along the sun's magnetic fields.
There is a moment in this video where a scale version of earth is measured against this solar hat-trick, and you can see how this event is bigger (many times over) than the entire planet which you and I inhabit. Last night I was out with my wife and some friends. We were thinking about how Star Trek is basically limited to our own galaxy. Voyager which is supposedly in some distant part of the verse, is actually still within the Milky Way. And yet there are gazillions of Milky Ways--of galaxies--beyond the fictional world of Star Trek. (Some talk about Species 8472 and the failure of the Enterprise series then ensued. It was resolved that we needed more Knob Creek.) 

Carl Sagan says that on a galatic level, "Our preferences don't count." From there you can the seed of our denialism--from climate change to the Civil War--and perhaps the seed of religion, itself.  Our sciences (in which I am including history) don't ennoble us. They don't reflect well on humans, instead they confirm a kind of powerlessness, a deep moral weakness, and sense of futility. 

At least that's the start. I'd argue that when we can get past our own vanity, as scientists, there comes something else--Wonder.

Oscar Pistorius and the Wages of Bad Police

I don't really know much about the South African justice system, but when the lead investigator for a high-profile murder case (or really any murder case) is himself "facing seven charges of attempted murder" it's safe to assume that it's a problem:

The decision by the national police commissioner to remove the investigator, Warrant Officer Detective Hilton Botha, was the latest in a series of abrupt twists and setbacks in the prosecution of Mr. Pistorius, the double amputee track star accused of murdering his girlfriend on Feb. 14 by firing four shots through a locked bathroom door while she was on the other side. 

Riah Phiyega, the commissioner, said at a news conference that a divisional police commissioner, Lt. Gen. Vinesh Moonoo, would be assigned to preside over "this very important investigation." 

After widespread media reports about the charges against Detective Botha, Gerrie Nel, the prosecutor, said at the start of the hearing on Thursday that he had just learned about them. The news only compounded questions about Detective Botha's work on the Pistorius case. Under cross-examination on Wednesday, he was forced to acknowledge several mistakes in the investigation and to concede that he could not rule out Mr. Pistorius's version of events based on the existing evidence.
Police misconduct is often discussed as a problem for potential suspects, and it is. But less noted is how it's also problem for victims of criminals--both actual and potential. I've said my piece on the reactionary lionization of Christopher Dorner. But it's worth noting that in their wild pursuit of Dorner the police shot two innocent women (ages 47 and 71) and then shot (but missed) another innocent dude. In each case, the only mistake was driving a pickup truck similar to Dorner's. Plenty of innocent folks were swept up in the Ramparts scandal. It's almost certain that plenty of actual criminals were also put back on the streets.

As I recall, we have some folks here with some familiarity with South Africa. I'd love here how it is that the prosecutor on a case like this, doesn't know that the lead investigator is facing seven charges of attempted murder.
Issue March 2013

The Emancipation of Barack Obama

Why the reelection of the first black president matters even more than his election

The Lost Battalion

Je vous le donne, mes amis...

The Rock of Ensisheim

Here is Megan Garber baiting me with everything I love in this world--early modern European history, France (sort of), and thunderstones:

On November 7, 1492, people around the Alsatian city of Ensisheim heard an explosion, accompanied by crashes of thunder. The air lit up with fire. A smoky flash streaked, screaming, through the sky, hurtling toward Earth at a sharp angle. The source of the chaos -- a celestial stone -- finally slammed into a wheat field on the outskirts of the town. 

The only direct eyewitness to this unusual event, it seems, was a young boy. He proceeded to lead the stunned residents of Ensisheim to the charred-but-shiny rock, an object whose impact had carved a hole in the ground that was more than three feet deep. 

The people assumed it had been sent from God. They also assumed it might be an omen. The Austrian emperor Maximilian I, who happened to be in Ensisheim at the time -- adding, no doubt, to the superstitions -- ordered residents to expose the rock at the local church. Chaining the object on holy ground, it was thought, would mitigate any evil it might bestow on the town.

So much awesome-sauce. There's some cool art in Megan's post also. As for the present, I can't stop watching the video. It's like that scene in Signs where dude sees the alien. "Move children! Vamonos!

Bobby Brown Didn't Kill Whitney Houston

When Whitney died about this time last year, I spent some time in comments and on twitter debating people about her relationship with Bobby Brown. That Brown was abusive is a matter of fact and he deserves all due condemnation for it. But there was, along with that, a narrative of ruin around the time of Houston's death that generally held that Brown was, somehow, responsible for Houston's descent from American royalty to crack-is-whack to death. Specifically, a lot of people claimed that it was Brown who "hooked" Whitney on drugs.

It was not:

For years, rumor had it that Bobby Brown had introduced Whitney Houston to drugs--but Michael Houston, one of the singer's two older brothers, has revealed to Oprah Winfrey that the real story was quite different. It's a story that has Michael Houston "living, but not alive" since his younger sister's death almost a year ago.

"I feel responsible for what I let go so far," he told Oprah in a Monday interview on OWN that primarily featured mother Cissy Houston, who has a new tell-all memoir out. In that book, Cissy says she didn't understand her children doing drugs then, and she doesn't understand it now.

Said Michael Houston, "We were always, you know, being together most of the time, and her following behind me -- I taught her to drive. We played together -- everything that you do together as you're growing up -- and then when you get into drugs, you do that together too, and it just got out of hand."

Then Oprah presented what she called "the big question": Did he introduce her to drugs?

"I would say, yeah, we did everything together, so once I was into that, then she followed suit," he said.

From a human perspective, I understand why an older brother would feel responsible for Houston's death. But it's been my feeling that the country at large has trouble accepting that Whitney Houston was a person, endowed with all the attendant flaws. One reason they had trouble was because Houston's image was engineered to make them think that way. I'd argue that Bobby Brown, as a black man from the projects, was tailor made for the role of despoiler of virgins and author of mad villainy.

The inability to accept that Houston, as free as any man, engaged in the drug use that destroyed her voice and killed her, is parcel to an inability to accept the full humanity of women as a class. Houston's handlers capitalized on that inability and sold her as goddess of femininity. America bought this. Thus the pairing of the patron saint of ladyhood with the patron saint of unreconstructed niggerdom could only be explained by magic and time travel.

Morning Coffee

As a great literary artist once said, "I'm the type that's always catching a flight." At the moment that has led me to the Upper Peninsula of Michigan. I have never been here before. I'm staying in an old historic hotel, and the snow is coming down in sheets. I don't know whether to be awed by the beauty or annoyed that I can't get my run in. (I'm seriously considering trying anyway.)  Either way, having spent the past year in the letters of runaway slaves and flying from my own family on business, I've spent a lot of time thinking about the virtues of home.

Speaking of which, I need to say that Stephanie Mills holds the crown--mashing Diana Ross, and sonning, even, the goddess Whitney. I missed this because when Mill's version was released I was in my "hardcore, no R&B singer" phase. My loss. Mills just kills it at the end, though she could do without the backup. She don't need it. I tell you, I'm playing this one a lot this morning.


Hobbes, Aristotle, and the Senses

I wanted to highlight to particularly helpful comments from last week's reading of Leviathan. In the first chapter, Hobbes attempts to define "the senses," or the method by which humans perceive things. He seems to be in conflict with some other thinkers in his time, particularly those who still follow Aristotle. If you are look me, and have never read Aristotle, you can't really understand the beef.

Fortunately Jonathan explained it for us:

Aristotle, like Hobbes, did think that knowledge came from the senses, but he had a very different view of how senses worked. Aristotle believed that every physical object has a form or essence, and a substance. So a clay model of a tree and real tree share commonalities of form, although their substances are totally different. Aristotle also thought that the psyche is an instrument whereby we can receive the form of objects without the substance. He compares sensation to a signet ring making an impression of wax.

Hobbes, however, does not really believe that the concept of "essence" is useful in explaining the world. He is basically a materialist. He believes that the only things worth talking about are matter and its interactions. Therefore, his account of how we obtain knowledge through the senses has to rely on interaction between matter.

This might sound like an obscure difference, but it has a lot of consequences for how one studies the world. If you agree with Aristotle, the implication is that by observing the world, you can get an idea of the real essence of things. Acquiring theoretical knowledge is then a matter of thinking rationally about the implications of this knowledge. Thus physical science is a matter of everyday observation followed by rigorous thinking.

However, if the information you get from the senses is just a bunch of particles bouncing off of your sensory organs, as Hobbes believes, then there's good reason to be worried that the senses are unreliable, and you need to spend time carefully tweaking the information you get from the senses to make sure you have it right. This gives rise to an experimental model (which Hobbes' contemporary, Francis Bacon, focused on far more than Hobbes did).

As for how commonplace it was - Aristotelianism was basically the dominant philosophy from the time of Thomas Aquinas (1200s) up until the 1600s. Hobbes is writing around the time of transition away from Aristotle's position as the preeminent thinker on matters such as this. I actually am not sure how dominant the view still was among academics by the time of the Leviathan.

As an aside, the reason Hobbes talks about mediate and immediate interaction is that, at the time, people who subscribed to this materialst view did not believe that matter could interact with other matter at a distance. The only interactions allowed into the theory were direct ones. The view of no interaction at a distance was thrown out after Newton's theory of gravity became the consensus view - since gravity is interaction at a distance.

Hilzoy also stepped in to help us understand the difference:

A few notes: first, when Hobbes talks about the scholastic view of knowledge, ("they say the thing understood sendeth forth an intelligible species", etc.), this is not similar to the way we now understand smell. Scholastics, following Aristotle, thought that objects were composed of matter and form. I.e., a computer is a bunch of metal and plastic and silicon and stuff (the matter), arranged in a particular way (the form). If you had exactly the same matter, but it was a bunch of molten metal and a pile of sand, it would not be the same object; likewise, if you had an identical computer made of different bits of metal and silicon and whatever. 'Species' is scholastic-speak for 'form'; the objects are (according to the scholastics) giving off forms of themselves, whereas (as I understand it) we now think that objects we smell give off matter.

Second: I don't recall how significant this is in the rest of Hobbes' work, but the claim that ALL thoughts concern "a representation or appearance of some quality, or other accident of a body without us, which is commonly called an object" is significant, and probably false. Can we think about abstract objects, nonexistent objects, logical arguments, etc.? Are all these "objects without us"? You could argue, as Hume did, that all our thoughts are either about objects of internal or external sense, but can be cut and pasted to create e.g. nonexistent objects. But is it obvious at all that thinking about (for instance) logical validity is in any sense thinking about an object outside us, or is the product of cutting and pasting concepts originally derived from such thoughts? Not to me.

I started this project trying to understand "social contract." I guess we'll get to that eventually, but all the knowledge I'm picking up on the way is awesome. In education we tend to be goal-oriented, and goals are important. But at the same time we forget that part of the beauty of learning lay in all the bits you acquire, almost accidentally,  along the way. I think those bits are the stuff of wisdom, as opposed to just "facts." 

If I can write you an essay on the history of "social contract" at the end of all this, that's cool. But it would be much better if I could--in some deep way--tell you something about the world of Hobbes, the world of Locke, the world of Rosseau, and what each of those particular worlds means for our own world today. It's one of the reasons why I push us to do something more than study history as a way of refuting our racist uncle at Thanksgiving, or serving the homophobe from high school who keeps popping up on our Facebook feed.

If you spend your day debating whether the earth is flat or not, how do you ever get to the truly profound questions of cosmology? It's not within your power to banish ignorance from the world, or even from Facebook. Besides, you have your own ignorance to bear.

The Art of Infinite War, Ctd.: The Administration's Drone Campaign

Judah Grunstein, who edits World Politics Review, was kind enough to send along a note on my recent writing about drones. I think it does a great job of framing the issue in terms of history and the stakes. More than anything Judah's note left me, again, obsessing over the natural tension between moral radicalism and hard pragmatics. If we were more willing grapple with the former, I might feel better about the latter.

Before getting into the issues you raise, I think it's important to look at the broader context, which sees the convergence of two long-term historical trends and one more-recent one. To simplify, these are:

1. The collapse of a regional order in Islamic North and Sahelian Africa that dates back to the beginning of the post-colonial period. That order was based on support for repressive authoritarian regimes in return for stability. During the Cold War, stability was defined as anti-communist. In the late- and post-Cold War period, stability was defined as anti-Islamist (in the sense of political Islam). With the Arab Spring, and for other reasons in the Sahel, this exchange has become inacceptable. The new regional order is uncertain, unstable and has left everyone unprepared in terms of how to approach it strategically.

2. This collapse is taking place against the backdrop of an upsurge of fundamentalist Islam, with a small but very determined minority willing to use violence to achieve their vision of a "pure" Islamic state. This upsurge predated the collapse, but is now complicating it. Many of these movements are locally based with local objectives and varying degrees of religious extremism. (The Tuaregs in northern Mali, for instance, are divided between secular nationalists and Islamic jihadists.) However, there is again a small but motivated, highly mobile, well-financed and globalized cadre of jihadists able and willing to graft themselves onto regional movements that seem poised to achieve tactical success. This upsurge is just the latest iteration of a cyclical and at times violent ebb-and-flow tug-of-war between moderate Islam (usually trading cultures) and fundamentalist Islam that dates back to soon after Islam's spread to Northern and Sahelian Africa.

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