In April, 1996, President Clinton had to decide whether to sign or veto a
Republican bill, which had some bipartisan support, that would have banned a
controversial form of late-term abortion known officially as "intact dilation
evacuation" (and called "partial-birth abortion" by groups opposed to it.) The
procedure is a grisly one, both because of the surgical technique involved
and because, presumably, the fetus being aborted is sufficiently developed at
twenty or more weeks old to suffer a painful extinction. At political risk and
to the surprise of some commentators, Clinton vetoed the bill, saying that he
would have signed it if its authors had allowed an exception to the ban
when the procedure was deemed necessary to preserve the mother's health
(and not just her life, as was allowed for in the bill). Although this form of late-term abortion is
performed on only 500-600 women yearly, had the bill passed it would have
been a historic
milestone: the first successful federal effort to restrict
abortion rights for all women, and not just poor women on Medicaid, since
Roe v. Wade.
Late-term abortion has remained a controversial
issue, and Congress has
recently voted on an almost identical bill that again seeks to outlaw
late-term abortions, with an exception for the mother's life but not her
health. The bill was rushed through Congress so that you would have to make a
decision before the election. If you sign it, you will be the first President
ever to agree to a federal restriction on all women's
right to choose. If you veto it, women will still have access to what many call
an immoral and unnecessary procedure. We await your decision. (Mr./Ms.
President, if you need to read up on the history of the abortion issue
before making your decision, visit The Atlantic Monthly's index of
articles on the subject.)
Option A: Sign the Bill
Mr./Ms. President:
You asked for my advice on whether or not to sign the new abortion bill, which
would ban the practice of "partial-birth abortion." I think you should.
I know that abortion is a complicated and difficult issue. Reasonable people
can reasonably disagree. But this procedure goes beyond any definition of
reasonable. In this case a doctor delivers a late-term
fetus, feet first, until only the head remains in the birth canal. The doctor
then stabs it in the base of the head with scissors and suctions out the brain.
In most cases the fetus has to be turned around in order to be delivered feet
first. Why deliberately turn around a baby to do a breech delivery? Because if
the child were delivered headfirst and this same procedure were performed, it
would legally be infanticide. But by any common-sense
definition this is infanticide, which is probably one reason why so many
members of Congress who usually support abortion rights, inlcuding Susan
Molinari, Dick Gephardt, and Joe Biden voted for the ban. It is also supported
by eighty percent of the public.
But what if the procedure is medically necessary to protect a women's life or
health? The "mother's life" exception is already in the bill. As for "health" and
"medically necessary," these seemingly forthright terms have been twisted by
insidious legal wording. Since Doe v. Bolton, the
companion case to Roe v. Wade in 1973, "health" abortions have
included those performed for the sake of social or emotional "well-being,"
and "medically necessary" has meant any abortion performed by a qualified
medical professional, no matter what the reason. A "health" exception in the
bill would have gutted it.
If we use the word "health" in the ordinary sense, there is no justification
for partial-birth abortions. One obstetrician called it "a maverick procedure."
The American Medical Association's legislative council stated that it is "not a
recognized medical technique," "almost does not exist in the medical
literature," and is "basically repulsive." The AMA has remained neutral on the
partial-birth bill, but its council unanimously supported it.
Not only is the procedure medically unnecessary, but respected physicians have
also testified that it actually imperils women's health. Dr. Pamela Smith,
obstetrics director at New York's Mt. Sinai hospital, says that the procedures
used in this abortion technique "have been clearly documented to be causal
factors in the death and reproductive morbidity of women." Former Surgeon
General C. Everett Koop has stated, "In no way can I twist my mind to see that
the late-term
abortion as described . . . is a medical necessity for the mother." Dr. Koop
added that many of the medical conditions which are used as justification for
using the partial-birth abortion procedure are ones that he has personally
remedied in other children by operations. Some of the infants with these
conditions die, of course, but it is hard to see how anyone's grief is lessened
by letting a doctor kill them while they are being born.
What, then, of the five women who spoke so movingly about the procedure? After
noting what experienced gynecologists said of their testimony before Congress,
Mr./Ms. President, all I can conclude is that these were five honest women who
were tragically misled by the doctor who performed the procedure on them --
a doctor who was not an obstetrician but a family physician who did abortions
for a living. One of the five, Coreen Costello, testified that her fetus had
already died in utero, which if true would mean that her case had
nothing to do with the legislation we're considering. Testimony in the other
four cases was sketchy, but apparently involved cases of fetal abnormalities,
such as hydrocephalus ("water on the brain") and trisomy (a chromosomal
abnormality). Obstetricians have testified that in none of these cases
is such a procedure required. Hydrocephalus, for example, which might
complicate a vaginal delivery, can be relieved by drawing fluid from the brain
without injuring the fetus. Dr. Harlan R. Giles, a professor of "high-risk"
obstetrics at the Medical College of Pennsylvania, who has performed many
abortions, has testified under oath, "I cannot think of a fetal condition or
malformation, no matter how severe, that actually causes harm, or risk to the
mother of continuing the pregnancy." Dr. James Jones, chairman of Obstetrics
and Gynecology at New York Medical College, has stated that he "can't think of
any situation where you have to carry out a specific, direct attack on the
fetus." Indeed, another group of five women, who were carrying children with
conditions similar to those of the group who testified, yet allowed the
children to be born, have offered to meet with us and provide their testimony --
which, from what I have read so far, is also moving.
Mr./Ms. President, for the sake of morality, decency, and, not least, the
reproductive health of American women, I urge you to join Congress in banning
this barbaric practice.
Option B: Veto the Bill
Mr./Ms. President:
Veto this bill. It is intended only to embarrass you. If you sign it you will
infuriate your supporters. If you veto it you will incur the wrath of the
Catholic Church. The bill's architects refused to grant your request to include
an exception for the health of the mother because then you would have signed
the bill -- and they would have lost a wedge issue.
Not surprisingly, politics drives this issue. To opponents of abortion rights,
late-term abortions of the kind to be banned by this bill are a superb
propaganda tool that allows them to indulge in a pornography of mutilated
flesh, to insinuate the idea that this grisly procedure is similar to other
types of abortions. They see this bill as the beginning of a process that will
end with a ban on all abortions -- achieved either directly (by showing
footage of broken fetuses) or indirectly (through narrowing the geographic
scope of where one can obtain an abortion). Already, 84 percent of U.S. counties
have no abortion providers. "Last year", the New York Times editorialized
recently, "legislators in 22 new states introduced bills for mandating waiting
periods. Twenty-eight states require women under 18 to notify or get the
consent of one or both parents. . . . Thirty-seven states deny Medicaid
coverage for abortions even when necessary to preserve the woman's health."
This slow, state-by-state hollowing out of the right to choose has been given a
mighty push by the propaganda surrounding this bill. And let's be clear -- the
propaganda of innocent flesh is also aimed at intimidating medical
professionals in rural areas, where, to quote from the Times editorial,
"few doctors are determined enough to risk their practices and even their lives
to perform abortions."
That is the real aim of the bill, Mr./Ms. President: to create a climate of
shame and fear.
Should Maureen Britelle, a woman I spoke with to learn about the issue
first-hand, feel ashamed for receiving the kind of late-term abortion this bill
would ban?
The early sonograms of the baby she was carrying were normal. She and her
husband, a member of the active-duty military, were delighted. They were
pro-life Catholics. This would be their second child. Her name would be Dahlia.
However, a second sonogram taken at the start of the third trimester showed
that something had gone wrong; Dahlia, the doctors finally told Maureen, had
not developed a brain. She would die at birth.
Yet every time Maureen moved, she felt her baby moving with her -- surely the
doctors were wrong. She could feel Dahlia!
Her torment can only be imagined.
Maureen Britelle says that she feared for her sanity. Her doctors feared for
her health. If the 1996 bill banning late-term abortions had been law, Maureen
Britelle would not have been able to have an abortion.
In a full-page ad in The Washington Post the Catholic hierarchy said
that allowing a health exemption in the new bill would permit women to get
abortions who were "emotionally upset" at or who felt their careers threatened
by being pregnant. Maureen Britelle was certainly emotionally upset: she was
carrying a brainless baby. But to say that she was worried about her career is
a vicious caricature that libels her and the 500 to 600 decent women a year whose
almost-exclusively wanted pregnancies (the women who didn't want a baby would have had
abortions long before) went terribly wrong in the third trimester.
Stand with these women, Mr./Ms. President.
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