Richard Nixon left the White House in disgrace 40 years ago this month, but the war he launched against journalists has continued under Barack Obama, George W. Bush, and other recent presidents.
Nixon’s resignation is remembered as a great victory for the media. Investigations by Bob Woodward, Carl Bernstein, and other reporters helped expose the White House crime spree that caused the president’s downfall. Even though he lost his battle to remain in power, Nixon’s way of handling the press has prevailed in American politics. Intimidating journalists, avoiding White House reporters, staging events for television—now common presidential practices—were all originally Nixonian tactics.
Nixon would enjoy the frustration many reporters feel toward the Obama White House. This summer 38 news organizations sent Obama a letter protesting his administration’s obstruction of journalists. The news groups complained of officials blackballing reporters, delaying interviews until after deadlines had passed, and preventing staff experts from talking with journalists. For example, they said the Environmental Protection Agency refused to answer questions about the mishandling of hazardous waste despite repeated requests from reporters.
Obama’s predecessor, George W. Bush, repeated many of Nixon’s arguments—protecting national security and executive privilege—to keep information about his administration secret. Bush bluntly told reporters he did not think they represented the public, echoing the adversarial relationship cultivated by Nixon.
The perpetually insecure Nixon was sure reporters were out to get him. After voters rejected his 1962 bid to become California’s governor, he accused journalists of being “delighted that I lost,” ignoring the fact that most of the state’s major newspapers endorsed him. “You won’t have Nixon to kick around anymore, because, gentlemen, this is my last press conference.”
Of course, that wasn’t true. Once his comeback culminated in his being elected president, Nixon read a summary of each morning’s news and then directed his staff how to respond, noting in the margins which reporters he liked and disliked. When Stuart Loory of the Los Angeles Times wrote about how much Nixon’s vacation home cost taxpayers, the president angrily told his staff to ban Loory from the White House.
John F. Kennedy, Franklin Roosevelt, and other previous presidents had wooed reporters, but Nixon made media manipulation a central focus of his administration. For his chief of staff, he picked H.R. “Bob” Haldeman, a former advertising agency executive. To shape the president’s public image, Nixon and Haldeman created the first White House communications office. It made sure Nixon avoided spontaneous encounters with reporters when he might look or sound awkward. Instead, Nixon’s staff arranged carefully orchestrated appearances in front of friendly crowds. This approach is now commonplace, but at the time it was a drastic change from presidents such as Harry Truman who regularly chatted with reporters.
Large communications offices have since become White House staples. Ronald Reagan’s communications team was especially adept at creating TV scenes of the president surrounded by American flags while shielding him from reporters’ questions. But the Obama White House has used new media to take image control to new levels. It sends a stream of tweets, Facebook posts, and YouTube videos directly to the public while bypassing journalists. Last year, in a separate letter, 38 news organizations complained to Obama’s press secretary that photojournalists are often barred from public events. They said the White House prevented photographers from covering presidential meetings with congressmen and Middle East peace negotiators but then released its own photos of these events using social media.
Obama also avoids interviews with White House reporters, preferring appearances on The View and late-night talk shows where easier questions are asked. Nixon first used this tactic, favoring interviews with reporters from small media markets who were more likely to be dazzled by the chance to interview a president and tended to ask easier questions than the Washington press corps.