One of the greatest tragedies of the decline of Congress as a deliberative legislative body and an effective overseer of federal policy is the deterioration of the appropriations process.
For many years now, the appropriations committees, especially the House panel, have been symbols of dysfunction. They have struggled and failed to pass their individual appropriations bills—a dozen each year—through one or both houses, and into law, leaving the spending process to omnibus continuing resolutions, end-game negotiations, brinkmanship, and sometimes shutdowns. The spending bills have increasingly reflected the same partisan and ideological polarization that has come to dominate our politics.
On many occasions, bills have emerged from subcommittees after commendable bipartisan negotiations and agreement—but when they moved to the House floor, minority members who had been full participants in constructing and approving the bills voted against them. Last year, in a telling and depressing example, a bipartisan move to get a strong and constructive homeland-security appropriation fell apart on the House floor when Republican leaders allowed destructive and politically motivated amendments to blow apart the deal and the bill.
As for oversight, the function has been diluted and nearly erased; with ideological divisions as sharp as we have, systematic efforts to check whether government programs are working as they are supposed to would mean giving some patina of respectability to the programs, a no-no for the radical antigovernment caucus.
So the triumph of the omnibus spending bill that the House passed Wednesday and that will soon be voted on by the Senate is a big deal—it is the first time in a very long time that House and Senate appropriators, Democrats and Republicans, did things the way they should be done, going painstakingly through the myriad accounts and allocating scarce dollars to fit priorities, making dozens or hundreds of trade-offs to satisfy both parties and their caucuses without destroying key programs or damaging the possibility of a broad bipartisan coalition in support.
Looking at the package, one can see the delicate balances, and marvel at the ingenuity of Barbara Mikulski, Harold Rogers, and the other leaders and members of the two panels. Preserve the core funding for Obamacare—but cut $1.5 billion from the president's request, and cut just over a billion from the Prevention and Public Health Fund. Drop the crippling policy riders from implementation of the Dodd-Frank financial regulation regime, but cut funding well below the administration's request for both the Commodities Futures Trading Commission and the Securities and Exchange Commission. Add money to combat forest fires in the West to mollify Republicans and add money to the budget of the Environmental Protection Agency to mollify Democrats. More money for Head Start—and more money for defense. And on and on.
The odds are that this huge package—more than 1,500 pages of legislative language and detail—will be passed by both houses and enacted into law. (One wonders how many members will "read the bill," and which members or outside groups will object strenuously to quick and expedited passage of a bill of so many hundreds of pages.) And the passage will be more than just an example of artful work in the legislative process, a true rarity these days. It eases us past the worst and most destructive results of the sequester, the horrible, mindless, across-the-board spending cuts that were designed explicitly not to occur. And it will take the pathologies that have afflicted the appropriations dynamic largely off the grid for almost two years, which is an achievement in and of itself.