Resolving the serial showdowns over the federal budget and debt ceiling may be more difficult now than during the last shutdown under Bill Clinton and Newt Gingrich because so many more House Republicans today represent safely GOP districts, a National Journal analysis has found.
This suggests that even if a public backlash develops against a shutdown or potential government default, Republican members may be far more insulated against those gales than their counterparts were during the two shutdowns in the winter of 1995 and 1996. Today's GOP legislators, for the same reason, also may be less sensitive to shifts in public attitudes that could threaten their party's national image or standing in more closely contested parts of the country.
Comparing today's 232-seat Republican majority with the 236 seats Republicans ultimately held after special elections and party switches from 1995-96 underscores the extent to which GOP legislators have succeeded in fortifying themselves into homogeneously conservative districts. On every measure, Republicans today represent constituencies that lean more lopsidedly toward their party.
Back in 1995, 79 House Republicans represented districts that backed Clinton in the previous presidential election; just 17 House Republicans now represent districts that Obama won. Fewer Republicans now hold districts that fall into an even broader definition of competitiveness: In 1992, Republican President George H.W. Bush won 55 percent or less of the two-party presidential vote in 141 of the 236 House Republican districts. Now, only 71 House Republicans, roughly half as many, represent districts where 2012 nominee Mitt Romney won only 55 percent or less.
All of this means that the personal electoral incentives for most House Republicans would encourage more — not less — confrontation as the standoffs proceed, notes Gary C. Jacobson, an expert on Congress at the University of California (San Diego). "The electoral threat of them angering anybody outside of their base is pretty low," he says.
Pressure on Republicans to resolve the standoff without a sustained shutdown or default, he says, is less likely to come from fear of reprisal by voters than "institutional pressure" from the party's core financial supporters in business and the investment industry. "The people I expect to make a difference in this are the Republican finance and corporate types who will be very, very unhappy, and that segment of the Republican Party that is responsive to them will force the House to [relent]," he said. "I think that's the only way out of this."
The same trend toward more protected districts emerges from another measure of partisan competition, The Cook Political Report's Partisan Voting Index. That index uses presidential voting results to assess each congressional district's generic partisan strength relative to national trends.