Would a Government Shutdown Really Be All That Bad for Republicans? Yes

Conservatives now argue that the political consequences of stopping funding have been overstated. Survivors of the last major closure beg to differ.
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John Boehner looks over the shoulder of then-House Speaker Newt Gingrich at a 1998 press conference. (Leslie Kossoff/Associated Press)

Go ahead, shut it down! That's the new cheer from the conservatives pushing to defund Obamacare. To their lily-livered compatriots who worry that the Senate will reject the defunding gambit, resulting in a shutdown when the federal government runs out of money at the end of this month, they claim that wouldn't actually be so bad: Americans, they say, would cheer the Republicans for sticking to their principles and opposing the unpopular health-care legislation.

It's a case increasingly being made by activists on the right, who cite polling data and a revisionist view of the 1995 government shutdown. But under close scrutiny, the claims don't hold up.

The contention that Americans would cheer a shutdown rests on a new Rasmussen Reports poll that supposedly shows a majority of Americans favor shutting down the government to defund Obamacare. It was emailed to me by a conservative activist, Scott Hogenson, who wrote, "RE: Obamacare and the prospect of a government shutdown. Seems a majority of Americans would be okay with that."

Rasmussen isn’t a very reliable pollster -- in last year’s presidential election, the company’s polls consistently overestimated Mitt Romney’s chances. But leaving that aside, the poll doesn’t quite show that the public wants defund or nothing. The pollster asked, “Would you rather have Congress avoid a government shutdown by authorizing spending for the health care law at existing levels or would you rather have a partial government shutdown until Democrats and Republicans agree on what spending for that law to cut?,” and 51 percent picked the second option, which suggests a partial trimming of health-care spending. Another recent poll by a respected Republican pollster found that a large majority of Americans, including a majority of Republicans, oppose “shutting down the government as a way to defund the president’s health care law.”

Yet another recent poll found that a majority of Americans would blame Republicans if a shutdown happened. But the idea that the GOP would suffer dire political consequences from a shutdown is another point the shutdown cheerleaders have taken to disputing. In an op-ed published on FoxNews.com on Tuesday, Jenny Beth Martin of the Tea Party Patriots and Brent Bozell of ForAmerica write: “After the 1995 shutdown the Republicans added two Senate seats in the 1996 elections and lost only two in the House. Claims that Republicans will suffer massive defeat at the polls after a government shutdown are ignorant of the historical record. Or dishonest.”

There’s one obvious problem with this argument: It ignores the biggest thing that happened at the polls in 1996 -- Bill Clinton’s landslide reelection. In 2014, if Republicans win just two additional Senate seats and lose two seats in the House, it would be considered a massive triumph for Democrats. But Martin and Bozell aren’t the first to argue that we’re remembering 1995 wrong. Ted Cruz also recently argued at length that “The sort of cocktail chatter wisdom in Washington that, ‘Oh, the [1995-96] shutdown was a political disaster for Republicans,’ is not borne out by the data.”

When the 1995 shutdown began, Cruz had just graduated from Harvard Law School and was clerking for a federal judge in Richmond. He was about to turn 25. Since I, like Cruz, was not in Washington at the time, I thought I’d ask someone who was. In 1995, Steve LaTourette was a freshman Republican congressman from Ohio. (After serving nine terms, he retired from Congress this year and has become an outspoken critic of the far-right wing of the House GOP.) When I asked him if we’re all misremembering and the shutdown actually benefited Republicans politically, he said, “Oh, God, no.”

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Molly Ball is a staff writer covering national politics at The Atlantic.

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