When Martin Luther King Jr. delivered his "I Have a Dream" speech 50 years ago this week, just five African-Americans held seats in Congress. There are 44 today.
But those numbers mask a hard reality: Even with an African-American in the White House, blacks arguably have less clout in Congress than they did in 1963.
"If you look at the legislation from that era, it was 1,000 times more favorable for African-Americans than it is now because they were dealing with civil rights, labor law, and the minimum wage," said David Bositis, a scholar of black politics at the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies. "What can collectively the black members of Congress point to that they have accomplished in this Congress?"
Three priorities listed on the Congressional Black Caucus's website -- protecting voting rights, passing comprehensive immigration reform, and maintaining social- and economic-safety nets -- have little momentum in the Republican-dominated House.
Gun control, which was a focus of the most recent meeting between President Obama and the CBC, has slid off the front burner since the Senate failed to pass an assault-weapons ban in April.
The most significant law to come out of Congress in years, which will help insure millions of poor Americans, is being rebuffed by governors throughout the South, where more than half of the black population lives.
And in a particularly bitter blow to black members, the Supreme Court gutted part of the Voting Rights Act in June, opening the door to states escalating voting restrictions.
For African Americans in Congress, it feels like they are going backwards.
"We don't have the collective impact that we should have, and we don't have the relationship with Barack Obama that people think we have," said Rep. Alcee Hastings, who in 1992 was among the first African-Americans elected to Congress from Florida since Reconstruction. "I don't have as much hope as I used to and, in some ways, greater fears. It's remarkable that we've come this far but damned upsetting that we still have so far to go."
One key hurdle is obvious: All of the African-Americans in the House are Democrats serving in the minority, with scarce hope for a takeover in 2014. No matter their race or ethnicity, few House Democrats manage to get their way in an institution where the majority rules. What's more, an increasingly polarized political climate has left Congress more gridlocked than ever. No one is getting much done, and the black members are no exception.
Another reason for their limited influence is that most come from relatively safe voting districts. Party leaders tend to dole out plum assignments and opportunities to carry legislation to members facing competitive elections, a strategy that once allowed the smaller caucus of moderate Democrats known as the Blue Dogs to wield significant clout. The ban on so-called earmarks also precludes black members (as well as their white colleagues) from setting aside money for pet projects in their district.
Hastings recalled visiting a city in his district recently where he had once directed $11 million for programs for frail seniors and at-risk children.
"That money is taken away from me now," he said. "I am disappointed that as a representative, except for symbolically, I am unable to make the big impact that I would like to have made. But as the saying goes, the struggle continues."
Rep. Charles Rangel of New York, a founding member of the CBC in 1971, said, "This is the appropriate time for a march, not just for commemorating what happened 50 years ago but to rededicate ourselves to the struggle for civil rights."
At the top of the agenda is heeding the Supreme Court's demand that Congress revamp a provision of the Voting Rights Act that required localities with a history of racial bias to get federal approval before changing voting practices. Although some black Democrats point to encouraging signs from top Republicans, such as House Majority Leader Eric Cantor of Virginia and Judiciary Committee member Jim Sensenbrenner of Wisconsin, there appears to be little momentum for reform in the House. The burden seems to be falling to the Obama Administration, which last week sued the state of Texas over its new voter ID law.