In February, the Department of Homeland Security began quietly releasing immigrants from federal detention centers across the country. There was no clear pattern to the releases: Several hundred people were allowed to walk free from facilities Texas and Arizona, while no more than 50 were freed from the sprawling prison south of Seattle that houses nearly 1,300 undocumented people from around the globe.
For immigration advocates, it was a conspicuous but not wholly unusual departure from business as usual by the feds.
"It's hard to pinpoint what the reasons were for the releases," says Jorge Barón, director of the Northwest Immigrant Rights Project, an organization that provides legal aid to undocumented people. "This is not a causative thing. It's fluid. People get released all the time."
The releases were not announced publicly, and DHS officials initially refused to confirm the move, which involved mostly low-risk individuals accused of overstaying their visas, traffic offenses, and other minor transgressions. Later, the agency insisted only a few hundred people were temporarily released on bond. When it finally emerged that 2,228 immigrants were set free, in part because of $3.2 billion in sequester-mandated budget cuts, the backlash was histrionic, even by Capitol Hill standards.
House Judiciary Committee Chairman Bob Goodlatte called the releases "abhorrent" and accused President Obama of "releasing criminals into our communities to promote his political agenda on sequestration." ("Several hundred are related to sequester," Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano later said, "but it wasn't thousands.") Republican Senator Jeff Sessions of Alabama said the White House "further demonstrated that it has no commitment to enforcing the law and cannot be trusted to deliver on any future promises of enforcement."
DHS quickly halted plans to release an additional 3,000 low-risk detainees in March, much to the dismay of immigrant advocates and proponents of reduced government spending. The government holds roughly 30,000 undocumented people in custody on any given day, mostly in privately run prisons. It costs about $164 per inmate per day, according to one widely cited figure, versus as little as 30 cents per day to release the same individual to community supervision, where they are required to attend court hearings and, in most instances, face deportation.
"The scaling back of the detention system is something that's doable," Barón says. "It's unfortunate that it's come in the context of the sequester, but we do hope even if it came about for the wrong reasons it can lead to a discussion of whether we should be spending all that money and inflicting a lot of human damage."
Detention and deportation of undocumented immigrants costs about $5 billion per year, or roughly $12,500 for every person shipped home. Many of those currently being expelled from the country will likely qualify for permanent residency or other legal status under the leading immigration reform proposals. So why doesn't Obama simply halt deportations of all non-criminal undocumented immigrants until the proposed changes take effect?
Despite the indignant protests of conservatives, prosecutorial discretion -- the tool used in the February detainee releases -- is a relatively uncontested power of the executive branch. Randy Beck, Justice Thomas O. Marshall chair of constitutional law at the University of Georgia, says the president's job is to enforce the law but there is room for leniency.
"There usually is enough play in the joints of statutes to give the executive branch a subtle way of adopting regulations and enforcement priorities," Beck says. "If you sat people down and explained, 'Look, we don't have the resources to deport everybody. We have to pick and choose and we're just going to choose people who have committed serious offenses,' most people would get on board with that. Of course, that's not the way it gets reported or spun or whatever."
In 2012, when Obama signed his executive order enacting the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, the outrage was vociferous. Commonly linked to the DREAM Act, the stalled legislation it seeks to temporarily take the place of, DACA grants work authorization and a temporary reprieve from deportation to certain undocumented young people. Senator Chuck Grassley of Iowa called the decree "an affront to the process of representative government."