Focusing on how it would contribute to emissions overshadows the large risk of spills -- and diverts attention from more effective ways to cut down on carbon.
Thousands of environmentalists will flock to Washington on Sunday for what's being billed as history's largest rally for climate change action. It will be their third such show of force since mid-2011, an unusually long period of unity in the time since landmark clean air and water laws passed in the 1970s. Climate activists are playing the "outside game" that twice powered President Obama to victory -- and their top target is Keystone XL, the $5.3 billion plan to pipe heavy fuel from Canada's oil sands to the Gulf Coast.
"If President Obama is serious about tackling climate change in his second term, we're calling on him to reject Keystone XL once and for all," the green group 350.org wrote in announcing the protest.
That demand has moved Democratic donors to warn of closed checkbooks and college students to blockade oil-company offices. Bill McKibben, 350.org's co-founder, led dozens of fellow anti-KXL activists in getting arrested outside the White House on Wednesday. But turning the pipeline into the nation's leading symbol of the greenhouse-gas-emissions threat leads to two significant problems.
First, the campaign diverts public attention from a more immediate, less well-understood hazard: It's not clear that federal regulators can ensure the pipeline will run safely if it is approved. Moreover, environmentalists' spotlight on Keystone XL could undermine their own goals. Within our borders, Obama can guarantee emissions savings bigger than the pipeline's denial would represent -- while still avoiding congressional gridlock -- by setting the strictest possible pollution standards for new and existing power plants.
At the heart of the case against KXL, a project of oil giant TransCanada, is a slippery-slope argument. No one disputes that the fuel it would carry is dirtier than conventional crude, but greens portray the pipeline as a momentous leap toward long-term domination for the fossil-fuel industry, a 36-inch steel glide path to bloated emissions for decades to come. The attack is bearing some fruit, as prices for western Canada's heavy crude have fallen, spooking the government and making oilmen reconsider their plans in the region.
McKibben's team can't guarantee, however, that killing the pipeline will slow the march of oil-sands development for good. Resistance already has prompted oil companies to consider alternative shipment plans, from using railcars and barges to expanding Midwestern pipe networks owned by Enbridge, a TransCanada competitor. You may remember Enbridge from the costliest onshore oil spill in U.S. history, caused by a corroded Michigan pipe that leaked more than 800,000 gallons of Canadian oil in 2010. The National Transportation Safety Board found that 81 percent of that oil gushed after Enbridge employees misread alarms along their purportedly state-of-the-art system and twice tried to restart the pipeline.
Here's where the safety risks surrounding KXL -- the ones that play second fiddle to talk of oil-sands emissions -- come into play. TransCanada's first line of defense is the same technology that failed to stop the Enbridge spill, but even if it works perfectly, as much as 2 percent of the pipeline's daily volume could escape from tiny leaks that are hard to detect. While that number sounds small, a 1-percent leak from KXL would gush as many as 8,300 barrels of oil per day and cause a spill three times the size of the Michigan disaster within a week.
The Obama Administration acknowledged that danger in its thousand-plus-page review of the project, writing that "although the total volume of a release from a pinhole leak could be relatively large" and might continue "for days or a few weeks ... in most cases the oil would likely remain" close to the pipeline.