Tensions Between Black and Gay Groups Rise Anew in Advance of Anti-Gay Marriage Vote in N.C.

Groups are fanning the flames of conflict -- by accident and by design.


As North Carolinians head to the polls next week to vote on the fate of a state constitutional amendment to bar gay marriage and civil unions, the controversial measure can already claim at least one clear winner: The National Organization for Marriage. Exposed in March as seeking to drive a wedge between African-Americans and gay rights groups, the conservative group has found North Carolina -- which is 21 percent black -- a fertile playing field for its divide and conquer tactics.

Armed with both NOM money and strategic know-how, state level groups such as Vote FOR Marriage NC have deftly deployed the race debate to court black clergy and voters in their attempt to ensure that North Carolina is no longer the only Southern state whose constitution does not bar same-sex marriage. Passed by the legislature in September 2011 as "An Act to Amend the Constitution to Provide That Marriage Between One Man and One Woman is the Only Domestic Legal Union That Shall Be Valid or Recognized in This State," the measure goes before voters for ratification on May 8 as Amendment 1.

"Our efforts have certainly involved a broad coalition of individuals and organizations, including African-American pastors," said Rachel Lee, a spokesperson for Vote FOR Marriage NC. Although pro-equality forces have mounted an aggressive fight against the amendment, NOM's cynical blend of rhetoric and religion has successfully placed ethnicity -- as much as equality -- at the heart of the pro-Amendment 1 campaign.

"NOM has injected race into this conversation as an explicit strategy to drive a wedge between blacks and gays," said Evan Wolfson, executive director of Freedom to Marry, the nation's leading marriage equality advocacy group. "Anti-gay forces have deliberately funneled money into North Carolina [African-American] churches to enlist their leaders as messengers of their agenda."

Anchoring the push are pro-Amendment 1 black clerics from North Carolina and around the nation with strong ties to NOM, such as Maryland's Bishop Harry R. Jackson, who's also leading the effort to overturn his own state's recent law granting gays the right to marry, and Philadelphia-based Rev. Herbert Lusk, who appears in one of NOM's latest video campaigns, "Is Gay Marriage a Civil Right? African-American and Latino Leaders Speak Out." In April, Rev. George D. McKinney of San Diego helped launched an initiative for NOM with the Coalition of African American Pastors to collect 100,000 signatures around the country on behalf of keeping marriage something restricted to opposite-sex couples in North Carolina.

No pastor, however, has advocated as strongly for Amendment 1 as Rev. Patrick Wooden of The Upper Room Church of God in Christ -- a 3,000-member African-American congregation in Raleigh, N.C. Appearing everywhere from NOM-led rallies to its latest video, Wooden -- who has an extensive history of homophobic outbursts -- has become an eager public face for NOM's divisive strategy. Along the way, he's become a sound-bite ready foil for the large number of prominent black pastors campaigning against Amendment 1 -- including Rev. William Barber, president of the North Carolina NAACP.

While many of Wooden's main messages -- homosexuality is a sin; heterosexual marriage is the only Bible-sanctioned union -- are rooted in ancient scripture, Wooden's rhetoric also borrows heavily from African-Americans' own social justice struggles. But whereas the NAACP's Barber preaches that black and gay civil rights "share a common DNA," Wooden is infuriated to see black history marshaled on behalf of another civil rights fight. "African-Americans are appalled that their Civil Rights movement has been co-opted by the so-called Civil Rights movement of the homosexuals," he said in an interview. "It is an insult, it is angering when LGBT groups say there is no difference between being black and being homosexual."

Wooden's sentiments may resonate with many blacks, but they appear to be losing political potency: African-American support for Amendment 1 had fallen to 51 percent by the end of April from 61 percent in March, according to the latest report from Public Policy Polling, a Democratic-leaning firm.

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David Kaufman is a writer based in New York whose work has also appeared in The Financial Times, Monocle, Time and Details.

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