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Matthew Yglesias

Matthew Yglesias - Matthew Yglesias is a fellow at the Center for American Progress Action Fund.
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Matthew Yglesias is a fellow at the Center for American Progress. His first book, with the working title Heads in the Sand: Iraq and the Strange Death of Liberal Internationalism, scheduled to be published next spring by John Wiley and co., deals with the Democratic Party's struggle to find a post-9/11 foreign policy, focusing primarily on the rise and (hopefully) fall of the liberal hawk movement.

Previously, he was a staff writer at The American Prospect and an Associate Editor at TPM Media, where he contributed to the group blogs Tapped and TPMCafe. His main blog, now at The Atlantic, has existed in various forms since the dark ages of the blogosphere in January 2002.

His writing has appeared in The Guardian, Slate, The New Republic, and The Washington Monthly, and he is a regular on BloggingHeads.tv and makes the occasional radio or television appearance.

Desperately out of touch with the American mainstream, Yglesias was born and raised in Manhattan and studied philosophy at Harvard where he was editor in chief of The Harvard Independent, a campus alternative weekly.

His latest writings can be found on the Matthew Yglesias blog.

Linker Replies Again

By Matthew Yglesias
Jun 13 2007, 1:21 PM ET Comment

Okay, here's another reply from Damon Linker on Rorty and Rawls below the fold. I think I'll let it drop after this since Linker and I don't really disagree on the core point; we're reduced to an exegetical argument about Rorty and since I don't have any copies of Rorty's books in DC that seems like a bad kind of argument to have. I thought, however, that I might also link to Ross's post on the subject.

I appreciate your response. I actually think we're not that far apart. I would merely add that anti-foundationalism was crucial to Rorty's liberalism. It wasn't simply an unconnected interest that he pursued when he wasn't being political or doing political theory, which is how you make it sound when you compare his secular humanism to orthodox Christianity or Islam. The parallel would be valid if these orthodox religious believers insisted that decent politics in the United States depended upon their fellow citizens becoming orthodox religious believers. That's was Rorty's position vis-a-vis anti-foundationalist secular humanism, which he hoped would one day transform the political culture of the nation.

Actually, I think your reference to "background culture" and Rorty's lack of indifference to it (not just as a personal issue, but as a part of his political theory) makes my point. What is the background culture of a pluralistic society of 300 or so million people of differing classes, beliefs, educations, etc.? Liberal politics is designed to allow those differing people to live together in relative peace and prosperity, despite their deep differences about God, good and bad, beautiful and ugly. In other words, it treats diversity and pluralism in the background culture as a given and tries to work with it. Rorty, on the other hand, thinks that this diversity and pluralism needs to be flattened out as a precondition of the achievement of genuine liberal democracy. And that, paradoxically, is illiberal.

The same thing is true, I think, about the recent spake of anti-religious polemics by such authors as Sam Harris, Richard Dawkins, and Christopher Hitchens. They don't simply want religion to stay out of politics. They loathe religion per se and would clearly prefer religious believers to simply go away -- a development they would consider to be an enormous benefit for American politics (and politics everywhere).

Political liberalism, by contrast, has, historically speaking, accepted that lots of people are (and are likely to remain) religious -- and it has tried to come up with a way for different kinds of believers (and more recently non-believers) to live together politically, and in freedom. Once again, liberalism treats pluralism about the largest human questions as the default condition of modern life and tries to devise a way for people to live decently with that pluralism. Rortyean liberalism, by contrast, sees much of that pluralism as an obstacle to establishing decent politics. After all, how can the United States develop decent politics (as he describes it, for example, in Achieving Our Country) with all of those ridiculous foundationalists running around, casting ballots?

Anyway, enough for now.

Damon
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