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The Big Picture | Campaigns & Candidates | Presidents

The Big Picture

Divided We Stand (October 2004)
Republicans and Democrats should be careful what they wish for. By Jonathan Rauch

Dixie Chicks (September 2004)
A new kind of Democrat is emerging in the South—and she's no shrinking violet. By Alexandra Starr

The Assassination Tapes (June 2004)
Lyndon Johnson secretly recorded many of his telephone conversations. The tapes of two 1967 calls provide a rare window into his thoughts after hearing a rumor that the CIA had plotted to assassinate Fidel Castro. By Max Holland.

A More Perfect Union (April 2004)
How the Founding Fathers would have handled gay marriage. By Jonathan Rauch.

The Armageddon Plan (March 2004)
During the Ragan era Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld were key players in a clandestine program designed to install a new "President" in the event of a nuclear attack. By James Mann.

The Angry American (January/February 2004)
Social rage as a measure of the country's moral and political well-being. By Paul Starobin.

The Chieftans and the Church (January/February 2004)
An intellectual audit of the Democrats and the Republicans. By Ted Halstead.

Young Rumsfeld (November 2003)
The Donald Rumsfeld of thirty years ago was a lot like the man we know today—a divisive figure who relishes bureaucratic combat, aims to shake up the established order, and is tenaciously committed to his own ideas and ambitions. But he was also a social moderate and a dove. By James Mann.

Founders Chic (September 2003)
Interest in the Founding Fathers has risen and fallen over time, but it's probably fair to say that their stock is currently at an all-time high. And this should worry us. By H. W. Brands.

The Democratic Party Suicide Bill (July/August 2003)
Democrats knew that campaign-finance reform would cripple their fundraising ability—but they backed the idea anyway, largely on principle. The fate of McCain-Feingold ultimately rests with the Supreme Court. But principle has already cost the Democrats plenty. By Seth Gitell.

Norman Ornstein's Doomsday Scenario (June 2003)
What would happen if a bomb wiped out the federal government? By Michelle Cottle.

"Back to Bork?" (March 2003)
A new strategy of demanding nominees' views on judicial issues ensures that the next Supreme Court nomination battle will be ugly. By Byron York

"Blue Movie" (January/February 2003)
The "morality gap" is becoming the key variable in American politics. By Thomas Byrne Edsall

"Suspicious Minds" (January/February 2003)
Too much trust can actually be a bad thing—a polity of suckers is no better than a nation of cynics. But Americans' steadily declining faith in one another is a warning. By Jedediah Purdy

"No Apparent Motive" (November 2002)
A chilling characteristic of politicians is that they're not in it for the money. By P. J. O'Rourke

"Rejection Sustained" (September 2002)
Republicans are suddenly steamed that "politics" is holding up judicial appointments. But politics is the point. By Randall Kennedy

"One Nation, Slightly Divisible" (December 2001)
David Brooks asks the question—after September 11, a pressing one—Do our differences effectively split us into two nations, or are they just cracks in a still-united whole? By David Brooks

"The Day Reagan Was Shot" (April 2001)
The author reveals previously undisclosed transcripts of the deliberations in the White House Situation Room. By Richard V. Allen

"A Politics for Generation X" (August 1999)
Today's young adults may be the most politically disengaged in American history. The author explains why, and puts forth a new political agenda that just might galvanize his generation. By Ted Halstead

"Should Election Day Be a Holiday?" (October 1998)
A simple, practical step might summon the ranks of nonvoters from the civic void. By Martin P. Wattenberg

"The Southern Captivity of the GOP"(June 1998)
In a geographic and cultural box, with political demography tilting against it, the Republican Party is "an obsolescent one" argues the author, a senior writer for the conservative Weekly Standard. By Christopher Caldwell

"America Right and Left" (April 1998)
Political intellectuals of both parties call for something more bracing than Bill Clinton's flabby syncretism—and think we want it too. By Nicholas Lemann

"Was Democracy Just a Moment?" (December 1997)
The global triumph of democracy was to be the glorious climax of the American Century. But democracy may not be the system that will best serve the world—or even the one that will prevail in places that now consider themselves bastions of freedom. By Robert D. Kaplan

"Feminism's Unfinished Business" (November 1997)
"It takes a real talent for overlooking the obvious to argue that women have achieved equality in contemporary America." A review of Deborah Rhode's Speaking of Sex. By Katha Pollitt

"Toward a Global Open Society" (January 1998)
The outspoken financier outlines more sharply a position for which he has been roundly attacked: that the global capitalist system urgently needs to be protected from itself. By George Soros

"The Capitalist Threat" (February 1997)
The main threat to social justice and economic stability now comes from the uninhibited pursuit of laissez-faire economics, argues one of the world's most prominent capitalists, who warns that the very ideal of an "open society" is at stake. By George Soros

"Running Scared" (January 1997)
Painfully often the legislation our politicans pass is designed less to solve problems than to protect the politicians from defeat in our never-ending election campaigns. They are, in short, too frightened of us to govern. By Anthony King

"The Empty Symbolism of American Politics" (October 1996)
Seeking a middle ground, liberal and conservative politicians alike propose split-the-difference "solutions" to our problems which seem plausible and pragmatic but do not, of course, represent solutions at all. What's missing? The dimension of reality. By Robert A. Levine

"Politics: In the Land of Conservative Women" (September 1996)
A diverse group of woman activists, including many young people and small-business owners, are bringing new energy to the Republican Party. By Elinor Burkett

"The Uncertain Leviathan" (August 1996)
On one side is the powerful, self-interested, undifferentiated establishment of government and news media, its interest in the body politic primarily clinical and invasive. On the other side is the public—insistent, but also bored and willfully ignorant; cynical, but also desperate and impatient. Now bring the two together and try running a country. By Jonathan Schell

"Gap Politics" (July 1996)
The "gender gap" the author writes, is not a single, static thing. It is a political phenomenon whose benefits, depending on issues and circumstances, can accrue to either the left or the right. By Steven Stark

"Really Reinventing Government" (February 1995)
Both parties promise to reinvent government. We asked the father of corporate restructuring to show them how. By Peter F. Drucker

"Lost in Transition" (November 1988)
To a President-elect, staffing a new government looks easy next to the challenge of getting elected, but a number of circumstances—some structural, some historical, and some quasi-magical in character—combine to make it an undertaking fraught with risk. By Carl Brauer

"The New Shape of American Politics" (January 1987)
"The single most prominent characteristic of public opinion during the seventies was wide-spread disillusionment with government. The public did not reverse its position on the legitimacy of most government functions, such as helping the poor and regulating business. But the feeling grew that the federal government had become excessively wasteful and ineffective in carrying out those functions. Something had to be done. This sentiment led to the tax revolt of 1978 and, two years later, to the election of Ronald Reagan to the presidency and the Republican takeover of the Senate." By William Schneider

"The Business of Politics" (October 1986)
"Just as PACs have been able to render congressmen timorous by implicitly threatening to back an opponent, congressmen have learned to shake down the PACs with a reciprocal insinuation that they'd better give or lose ground to a competing PAC that did. Today it's probably more common for politicians to put the touch on PACs than vice versa. The Republicans have seemed to understand the possibilities since PACs began to proliferate in 1974; the Democrats have come to understand them through Tony Coelho." By Gregg Easterbrook

"The Curse of the Six-Year Itch" (March 1986)
"For decades political analysts have been intrigued By an ironclad pattern in American politics: the President's party loses seats in the off-year election that follows his White House triumph—a phenomenon that has occurred in every off-year election save one since the Civil War." By Norman J. Ornstein

"Ideas Move Nations" (January 1986)
How conservative think tanks have helped to transform the terms of political debate. By Gregg Easterbrook

"The President and the Press" (April 1973)
"It may be that no single example of government power directed at television news means very much—Dan Rather survived John Ehrlichman's bemoanings, Salant's sympathy for Judy Agnew was limited, and so on—but taken together, such incidents constitute a pattern of pressure that has dangerous implications. It is by means of such contacts that political leaders attempt to influence the presentation of the news so as to put the government in the most favorable light." By David Wise

"Beyond Words: Writing for the President" (April 1972)
"By the time I became Johnson's principal speech-writer, there was little range for striking initiatives. My job was to make staying with it in Vietnam and in the ghettos sound compelling and necessary." By Harry McPherson

"Can the Liberals Rally?" (July 1953)
"The party's present problem is to keep, in adversity and out of office, the high standards it set during the earlier periods, when it captured both the Presidency and the Congress." By Joseph S. Clark, Jr.

Campaigns and Candidates

The X Factor (October 2004)
Americans probably care less about Teresa Heinz Kerry's outspokenness than about her exoticism. The question is what they think of it. By Michelle Cottle

The Stakes in 2004 (September 2004)
he coming presidential election may be the most important in generations. By Michael Barone

The Hollywood Campaign (September 2004)
Want big money to get elected to national office? If you're a Democrat, you need to head for the hills—Beverly Hills. A miner's map for the liberal Gold Rush. By Eric Alterman

"Playing Dirty" (June 2004)
This year's presidential campaign is already shaping up to be even more negative than the last. That's no accident. Our correspondent looks at the cloak-and-dagger world of opposition research—the updated version of "dirty tricks". By Joshua Green.

"Kerry's Secret Weapon?" (June 2004)
Hundreds of thousands of swing-state radio listeners may turn the unlikely Howard Stern into a presidential kingmaker. By Ross Douthat.

"Knifed" (May 2004)
In 1968 the Kennedy family essentially blackballed a brother-in-law, Sargent Shriver, who was very close to being chosen as Hubert Humphrey's running mate. In doing so, they may have accidentally thrown the election to Richard Nixon. By Scott Stossel.

The Front-Runner's Fall (May 2004)
The Dean implosion up close, from the point of view of the candidate's polster. By Paul Maslin.

Sunny Side Up? (May 2004)
Rethinking our political fixation on the bright side of life. By Jonathan Chait.

Funny Business (May 2004)
When you're runnign for president, humor is no laughing matter. By Joshua Green.

Kerry's Consigliere (May 2004)
For the legendary strategist Bob Shrum, a lifetime in Democratic politics comes down to John Kerry and a final shot at the White House. By Ryan Lizza.

Primary Considerations (April 2004)
If the first presidential primary were held in the "most representative" state, which one would that be? By Cullen Murphy.

John Ashcroft's Permanent Campaign (April 2004)
In the liberal imagination Attorney General John Ashcroft is an authoritarian and a religious zealot, bent on sacrificing liberty to achieve the illusion of safety from terror. But those who see Ashcroft as a zealot are missing Ashcroft the canny politician—a man beholden to both his polls and his God. By Jeffrey Rosen.

The Enthusiasts (April 2004)
Deep in the grass roots, our correspondent tries to understand political fervor. By P. J. O'Rourke.

Second Coming (April 2004)
Ralph Reed, now born again as a political strategist, has moved on from doing God's work to doing George W. Bush's. By Joshua Green.

Madonna Wants Me (March 2004)
Every political candidate now needs a "celebrity wrangler." By Joshua Green.

A Gambling Man (January/February 2004)
Blair Hull thinks he has found the formula for how to buy a Senate seat. By Joshua Green.

Speaking of the Candidates (January/February 2004)
Our correspondent looks much too closely at the current crop of stump speeches. By P. J. O'Rourke.

"In Search of the Elusive Swing Voter" (January/February 2004)
The road map for the coming presidential campaign runs straight through the handful of states with the largest numbers of independent voters. Any candidate needs to hunt them down. By Joshua Green

"Tour of Duty" (December 2003)
Senator John F. Kerry often cites his service in Vietnam as a formative element of his character. A new account of his time there offers the first intimate look at a traumatic and life-altering experience. By Douglas Brinkley

"Force Multiplier" (October 2003)
Wesley Clark is not Haig and not Eisenhower. And some Democrats are hoping he won't be Cuomo. By Joshua Green

"How to Run for President" (October 2003)
A primer for the Democratic candidates from congress, who face daunting historical odds. By David Brooks

"The One-Term Tradition" (September 2003)
A second term has often proved to be the nemesis of presidential reputation. George W. Bush should beware. By Jack Beatty

"Four More Years?" (September 2003)
The man who challenged the first President Bush considers the second President Bush—and the invincibility question. By Patrick J. Buchanan

"Green Surprise?" (September 2000)
How Bush or Gore, as President, might pull a "Nixon goes to China" on environmental issues. By Gregg Easterbrook

"An Acquired Taste" (July 2000)
Al Gore is the most lethal debater in politics, a ruthless combatant who will say whatever it takes to win, and who leaves opponents not just beaten but brutalized. But Gore is no natural-born killer. He studied hard to become the man he is today. By James Fallows

"America's Forgotten Majority" (June 2000)
Forget the "soccer mom." The new white working class is the key to twenty-first-century politics, but neither party has found a way to mobilize it effectively. By Joel Rogers and Ruy Teixeira

"A Republic—If We Can Keep It" (July 1998)
Campaign-finance corruption threatens the American Experiment itself. By Joseph Lieberman

"A Democrat Who Admits It" (November 1997)
Richard Gephardt, a possible contender for the presidency, wants to make the case for big government respectable again. By James Fallows

"Right-Wing Populist" (February 1996)
Pat Buchanan's presidential campaign is testing a political potentiality that could have a future in downsizing America. By Steven Stark

"The Elite Primary" (November 1995)
It's the real first-in-the-nation contest. At stake: the Rolodex men, the press, and Rush Limbaugh. By David Frum

"The Road to a Third Party" (August 1995)
The golden rule of political analysis is that in order "to discover who rules" you must "follow the gold (i.e., trace the origins and financing of the campaign ...)." A review of Thomas Ferguson's The Golden Rule. By Jack Beatty

"Righter Than Newt" (March 1995)
Phil Gramm is the most conservative Republican on the national scene. He is running for President. His candidacy will test just how audacious his adventuresome party really is. By David Frum

"President Powell?" (October 1993)
There's much talk these days of Colin Powell's presidential aspirations. Steven Stark took a look at the potential for a Powell presidency for The Atlantic in 1993. By Steven Stark

"Crashing the Locker Room" (July 1992)
Why are there so few women in Congress? Why is it especially difficult for women to make it to the Senate? With a record number of women running for the Senate this year, our reporter takes a careful look at the obstacles in the way of women candidates and at their emerging advantages. By Wendy Kaminer

"An Insider's View of the Election" (July 1988)
Our author visits the political pros in four battleground states and is reminded that the swing vote in the November election is not conservative or liberal, northern or southern, young or old, black or Hispanic—it's the white middle class. By William Schneider

"The Republicans in '88" (July 1987)
Conversations with the candidates and an analysis of their candidacies. By William Schneider

"The Democrats in '88" (April 1987)
The party's possible candidates divide into four categories—rejuvenators, revisionists, reconstructionists, and revivalists. By William Schneider

"The Campaign Doctors" (October 1985)
"For many years there was a strong argument political reporters could make to justify their surrender to the tides pulling them into the day-to-day details of campaign strategy: these were in fact what mattered most. The presidential elections of the fifties, sixties, and seventies were seen as essentially non-ideological. When two centrists ran, it was close; when a true believer like Barry Goldwater or George McGovern got into the race, it was a runaway. So the pros' vantage point was the best one from which to view an election: how well they did their jobs really would determine the outcome." By Nicholas Lemann

"Big Business in Ballots" (November 1984)
With 188,432 U.S. precincts, the demand for fast, secret, dependable systems is great and constant. By Cullen Murphy

"The Perpetual Campaign" (January 1983)
An inquiry into these questions: Will years of running for President pay off for Walter Mondale, as it did for three previous candidates? Does Mondale, or any other Democratic candidate, have any new ideas? And what is the party going to do about entitlement programs, and about the unions, whose support it needs but whose expectations may have become an obstacle to economic recovery? By Gregg Easterbrook

"Deadlock: What Happens If Nobody Wins" (October 1980)
"For the first time in history the Inaugural stand has been built on the West Front of the Capitol, facing Pennsylvania Avenue and the White House a mile away. But at noon, the time fixed for the Inauguration, a lone workman standing on the Inaugural platform sees only the normal traffic of a midwinter midday. The platform is ready, but there is no new President." By Laurence H. Tribe and Thomas M. Rollins

"The Democrats' Dilemma" (March 1974)
Who in 1976—Kennedy, Wallace, or Senator Bland? Watergate haunts the opposition, and the Democrats have healed many of the wounds of '68 and'72, but what does the Democratic party really stand for? That very much remains to be seen, says one of the country's most respected political reporters. By David S. Broder

"Reports and Comment: Miami Beach" (September 1972)
"The McGovern 'machine' provided a dazzling display of its prowess. Indeed, almost everything about the convention was predictable save one: the candidate himself." By Robert Sam Anson

"The Party's Over" (March 1972)
What this country needs is some unvarnished political partisanship. By David Broder

"Reports:Washington" (April 1968)
"American politics are dominated now as never before by lower-middle- and middle-middle-class whites. Any consensus among this group as to how things ought to be means that's how things are going to be. This is the class that elects Presidents. It was the feeling of this group that Eisenhower was a good man that gave the GOP its first victory since 1932. It was its feeling that Goldwater was the less desirable candidate that elected Johnson. This is the group to which a successful national appeal must be made." By Elizabeth Drew

"Election Superstitions and Fallacies" (October 1912)
"In general those who are engaged in the lower activities of campaigns do not take extremely broad views of public affairs, nor do they discern the meaning and foresee the consequences of great events. That which is insignificant, transitory, and local, affects their judgment more than that which is really important. It is easy for such men to see portents and to originate superstitions; and, when their imagination has created them, even men who would not be afraid to walk under a ladder sometimes find themselves unable to persuade themselves that they run no risk in so doing." By Edward Stanwood

"Political Assessments in the Coming Campaign" (July 1892)
"Where a bad custom has been in existence for any length of time, most people grow to regard it as part of the order of nature. This is well illustrated in the attitude of the average politician towards civil service reform. He finds some difficulty in understanding the proposition that minor offices should be taken out of politics, and is quite unable to surrender the idea that a large part of the funds for every campaign should be paid by the office-holders." By Theodore Roosevelt

"The Election of 1800" (July 1873)
"In the short space of seventy-seven years, we have exhausted the efficiency of falsehood uttered to keep a man out of office. The fact is not to our credit, indeed; for we must have lied to an immeasurable extent before the printed word of man, during six whole months of every fourth year, could have lost so much of its natural power to effect human belief. Still less is it for our good; since Campaign Truths, however important they may be, are equally ineffectual." By James Parton

"The Election in November" (October 1860)
"In a democracy it is the duty of every citizen to think; but unless the thinking result in a definite opinion, and the opinion lead to considerate action, they are nothing. If the people are assumed to be incapable of forming a judgment for themselves, the men whose position enables them to guide the public mind ought certainly to make good their want of intelligence." By James Russell Lowell


More Nixon Tapes (September 2004)
A selection from recordings in the National Archives. By James Warren.

How Jefferson Counted Himself In (March 2004)
Something was funny about the Georgia ballot. Did Thomas Jefferson act properly in making himself President in 1801? By Bruce Ackerman and David Fontana.

"JFK's Second Term" (June 2003)
Toward the end of his life John F. Kennedy increasingly distrusted his military advisers and was changing his views on foreign policy. A fresh look at the final months of his presidency suggests that a second Kennedy term might have produced not only an American withdrawal from Vietnam but also rapprochement with Fidel Castro's Cuba. By Robert Dallek

"Close-Up: The Mind of George W. Bush" (April 2003)
What capacities does President Bush bring to his decision-making? What limitations hamper his judgment? The author, a journalist and a historian, speaks with people close to the President and probes his private life and public career. By Richard Brookhiser

"Post-President For Life" (March 2003)
The post-presidency of Bill Clinton will, like the Clinton Administration, be noisy and attention-getting. Will it accomplish anything—or turn out to be limbo in overdrive? By James Fallows

"The Bill Show" (March 2003)
There are selves too big for one person to contain. You cannot call them selfish. There is nothing -ish about such selves. They are the self, as it were, itself. By P. J. O'Rourke

"A Surprise but not a Success" (May 2002)
Though Richard Nixon meant to do the right thing, his actions were at odds with his principles. By Tamar Jacoby

"Lawyers and Lizard-Heads" (May 2002)
The prison letters of James Earl Ray, the man who once confessed to killing Martin Luther King Jr. By Douglas Brinkley and Anne Brinkley

"Bill Clinton and His Consequences" (February 2001)
Writers assess the Clinton legacy. Contributions from James Fallows, P. J. O'Rourke, Pat Oliphant, Randall Kennedy, Francis Davis, Margaret Talbot, Glenn C. Loury, Roy Blount Jr., Carl M. Cannon, Wilfrid Sheed, Arlie Russell Hochschild, Tish Durkin, William Schneider, and Jack Beatty.

"Lincoln's Greatest Speech?" (September 1999)
It contains only 703 words, but Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address performed an extraordinary political function—reconciling America to the irreconcilable. By Garry Wills

"Three New Revelations about LBJ" (April 1998)
The author of an about-to-be-published biography of Lyndon Johnson shares some of what he has learned. By Robert Dallek

"What Jefferson Helps to Explain" (March 1997)
A more dispassionate assessment of Thomas Jefferson offers insights that the gathering indictment can't—into slavery, into democracy, and into the sources of the "American Creed." By Benjamin Schwarz

"A Talk With Bill Clinton" (October 1996)
The President shows himself to be at once confident about what we should do to better life for the next generations and guarded about how much we can achieve toward that end. By James Fallows

"Thomas Jefferson: Radical and Racist" (October 1996)
In the multiracial American future Jefferson will not be thought of as the Sage of Monticello. His flaws are beyond redemption. The sound you hear is the crashing of a reputation. By Conor Cruise O'Brien

"The Protean President" (May 1996)
Clinton has responded to the Republican sweep of 1994 by radically altering the goals and character of his presidency. He has adopted the role of a tactician facing a larger, better-equipped, but not necessarily better-led army. By Thomas Byrne Edsall

"The First Postmodern Presidency" (April 1993)
The office Bill Clinton has assumed is smaller than it has ever before been in the modern era. By Steven Stark

"Little Rock: A Visit with Bill Clinton" (October 1992)
The conflict between the "A student" and the "pol." By The Editors

"The In-Box President" (January 1990)
George Bush is a master of an unheroic politics in which everything, or almost everything, is negotiable. By William Schneider

"The Last Days of the President" (July 1973)
LBJ in retirement. By Leo Janos

"Nixon and the Square Majority: Is the Fox a Lion?" (February 1972)
He didn't "bring us together." Why does 1972 look like his year? By Stuart Alsop

"Washington's Hardest Decision" (October 1952)
"'My movements to the chair of government will be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a culprit who is going to the place of his execution: so unwilling am I in the evening of a life nearly consumed in public cares, to quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties, without that competency of political skill, abilities and inclination which is necessary to manage the helm.'" By Douglas Southall Freeman

"New Light on Lincoln's Boyhood" (February 1920)
"'There was a sense in him that he could not narrow himself to the religion of that time. In them days, if a man doubted the Bible being exactly true in everything, and if he did not believe in fire and brimstone, he was called an infidel. Lincoln said he could take some things from all the churches and make a better church than any of them. If Lincoln was an infidel, a good part of the people is coming to believe like he did.'" By Arthur Morgan

"Recollections of Lincoln" (February 1904)
"There was nothing in all Douglas's powerful effort that appealed to the higher instincts of human nature, while Lincoln always touched sympathetic chords. Lincoln's speech excited and sustained the enthusiasm of his audience to the end." By Henry Villard

"Dr. Rush and General Washington" (May 1895)
The little-known story of the "Conway cabal"'s attempt to oust General Washington from his command. By Paul Leicester Ford

"Franklin, Washington, and Lincoln" (November 1889)
"We can understand through these men how a people relying on tradition, and not on historical records, can come to elevate their heroes into demigods, and invest them with attributes taken from the entire series of events with which they were identified." By Horace Elisha Scudder

"Washington's Great Campaign of 1776" (January 1889)
"Well might Thomas Paine declare, in the first of the series of pamphlets entitled The Crisis, which he now began to publish, that 'these are the times that try men's souls.' But in the midst of the general despondency there were a few brave hearts that had not yet begun to despair, and the bravest of these was Washington's." By John Fiske

"The Art of Being President" (August 1873)
James Parton examines "the leading traits of Mr. Jefferson's administration, with a view to getting light upon the question, whether he satisfied the people of his time by doing right, or by adroitly pretending to do right." By James Parton

"Jefferson and Slavery" (January 1862)
"It is worth our while, therefore, to seek to know whether Jefferson the god of the Oligarchs is Jefferson the Democrat. Let us, By the simplest and fairest process possible, try to come at his real opinions on Slavery,—just as they grew when he did so much to found the Republic,—just as they flourished when he did so much to build the Republic,—just as they were wrought and polished when he did so much to brace the Republic." By A. D. White

Copyright © 2001 by The Atlantic Monthly Group. All rights reserved.