Oklahoma's Courts Are at War Over Lethal-Injection Secrecy

State officials have tried to conceal basic information about the drugs used in executions, creating chaos in the legal system.
In 2005, this memo was posted next to the death chamber at the Southern Ohio Correctional Facility in Lucasville, Ohio. While Ohio has been open about drugs purchased for executions, Oklahoma and other states cloak lethal cocktails in secrecy. (AP File Photo)

Update, 5:30 pm: By a 5 to 4 vote, the Oklahoma Supreme Court issued a new stay, halting the scheduled executions pending resolution of the injection-secrecy issues. It is unclear whether the Court of Criminal Appeals will honor this stay, although court watchers in Oklahoma say that will likely be the case.

How chaotic has the fight over lethal injection secrecy become? The top two courts in Oklahoma today are in conflict with one another over whether two condemned men should be executed there this month before state officials have to disclose basic information about the drugs they intend to use to carry out the executions. It is conceivable that both men will be executed, even though the Oklahoma Supreme Court has declared that the legal issues the men have raised about injection secrecy ought to be fully adjudicated before their deaths.

It is almost certain that these two unsympathetic defendants ultimately will be put to death for their crimes. Clayton Lockett, convicted of murdering teenager Stephanie Neiman in 1999, is scheduled to die by lethal injection tomorrow. Charles Warner, convicted of raping and murdering an 11-month-old baby in 1997, is scheduled to be executed one week later, on April 29th.

But lawyers for both men argue that Oklahoma has violated both state and federal law by refusing to disclose where it obtained the drugs to be used on Lockett and Warner, how the drugs were manufactured, what their efficacy may be, and other basic information necessary to determine whether the upcoming executions would violate the "cruel and unusual" punishment clause of the Eighth Amendment. It is an argument being made by other attorneys in other death penalty states that are suddenly scrambling to find new execution drugs.  

The Oklahoma Supreme Court, which handles civil cases, seems to believe a stay of execution is necessary to look further into the issues the men have raised.  But that court and the Oklahoma Court of Criminal Appeals, which handles criminal cases, can't agree about which of them has the power to enter a stay. The Supreme Court says it's the OCCA. The OCCA says it can't and won't enter a stay because the prisoners have not filed a substantive claim there. And the prisoners say they can't challenge the protocol without the drug information they seek.

So now there is a dispute between the courts over whether the issues raised by the prisoners are "civil" or "criminal" in nature and, if they are "civil" whether the executions should be delayed. It's like a skit from Alphonse and Gaston. Only Texas has such a bifurcated appellate system that one high court handles civil cases and another handles criminal cases. But even in Texas—which, like Oklahoma, now conceals material information about injection drugs—the courts have not been as divided as they have in this Oklahoma case.

* * *

The problem at the root of the Oklahoma conflict is the same problem that vexes officials in other states still actively pursuing the death penalty. In 2011, the manufacturers of sodium thiopental, the key ingredient in the lethal "cocktail" states then were using, announced they would stop making the drug due to objections about its use for capital punishment. Since then, state officials have struggled to come up with new combinations of drugs that can kill in a way that is arguably "humane" under the Eighth Amendment.

In many instances, since supplies of sodium thiopental ran out, state officials have had to rely upon "compounding pharmacies" to procure the drugs to be used for lethal injections. But the products produced by these pharmacies have long been considered unsafe and controversial—so much so that the Obama Administration last November signed the Drug Quality and Security Act, federal legislation designed to regulate the industry.

The use of these murky pharmacies has raised legitimate questions that did not need to be considered when a respected drug manufacturer was doling out lethal doses of sodium thiopental. What lawyers for Lockett and Warner want to know—indeed what attorneys for hundreds of death row inmates in Oklahoma, Texas, Florida, Missouri, and Louisiana, Georgia want to know—is whether the new cocktails to be used upon their clients are "safe"—that is, whether they will inflict undue pain upon the dying.

It seems like an absurd concern. The whole point of the death penalty, its supporters say, is to inflict some measure of pain upon the condemned as death comes. But there is a point along the spectrum of pain where an otherwise lawful execution becomes "cruel," and thus unlawful, under the Constitution. What defense attorneys now argue is that they cannot even begin to evaluate whether the state will encroach upon that line if they have no idea about the origins of the drugs to be used. And right now, in Oklahoma, they don't.

Over the past few years, Oklahoma's relentless drive to keep executing inmates has produced a flurry of changes to the state's injection protocols. In November 2011, lawmakers changed state law to add a secrecy provision—to keep hidden information about the origins of injection drugs. In January 2014, the state executed an inmate named Michael Wilson, who said as he died, "I feel my whole body burning." One defense expert cited in court papers says this may be because Oklahoma was using a contaminated compounded drug.

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Andrew Cohen is a contributing editor at The Atlantic. He is a legal analyst for 60 Minutes and CBS Radio News, a fellow at the Brennan Center for Justice, and Commentary Editor at The Marshall Project

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