'Ninety Years of Discrimination' Is Enough, Court Declares

What yesterday's decision striking down the Defense of Marriage Act teaches about equality, civility, and the Constitution

Edith Windsor, the plaintiff in the case, was taxed $363,053 more on her spouse's estate than the surviving member of a heterosexual couple would have been. (Eduardo Munoz/Reuters)

My old con-law prof used to say, "This entire subject can be summarized in two sentences. If the government wants to do something to you, it has to give a reason. If it wants to do something bad to you, it has to give a good reason."

Lawyers call that the "level of scrutiny." Readers puzzled by it can learn a lot from the majority opinion and the dissent in Windsor v. United States, the decision Thursday wherein a Second Circuit panel held, 2-1, that the federal Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) is unconstitutional. The decision is notable not just because 10 straight federal courts have agreed that DOMA is unconstitutional; it is important also because, as Lyle Deniston of SCOTUSBLOG points out, it is the first time a court of appeals has held that laws that classify based on sexual orientation are subject to what con-law types (to widespread distress) call "heightened scrutiny."

The mention of "scrutiny" may trigger a "MEGO" ("my eyes glaze over") moment. But grab your Red Bulls: Understanding "scrutiny" is the key to understanding how the courts approach questions of equality, due process, free speech, freedom of religion, and many more.

Some things are so bad that almost no reason will justify them. Today, segregating people by race is one of those. Laws or regulations that do this are subject to "strict scrutiny," which is shorthand for "explain yourself right now, buster." The only way such a law can pass is if the government can show that (1) it's trying to do something of huge importance and (2) there's really no other way to do it. Some government measures pass strict scrutiny -- but for most, it is considered "strict in theory, fatal in fact."

Most things government does, though, are just ordinary. Driver's license laws are a slap in the face to 15-year-olds; zoning laws mean that some property owners can't strip-mine their lots. For most laws, the "scrutiny" is "rational basis." If there might be a halfway decent reason, then the measure passes "rational basis" review. For most purposes, laws fail this test only when the reason behind them is "animus" -- "we don't like your kind." This test might be paraphrased as, "Is this law crazy or just plain mean? If not, okay."

For everyone who believes law is just partisan politics: Chief Judge Dennis Jacobs, whose majority opinion breaks new ground for gay rights, was appointed by President George H.W. Bush.

There's a gray zone between strict and rational basis. Sex discrimination, for example, is subject to "heightened" scrutiny -- not quite "strict," but pretty darn stern. Until now, the Supreme Court and the Courts of Appeals judged discrimination against gays by asking only, "Is this crazy or mean?" The Supreme Court has held that Colorado's anti-gay-rights initiative and Texas's anti-gay-sex law were motivated by "animus," lawyer talk for "we don't like your kind." But the court has never said that discrimination against gays requires "heightened scrutiny."

DOMA doesn't say that same-sex couples can't marry. If state governments allow them to marry, it says, fine; but other states don't have to recognize that marriage, and the federal government can't. For federal tax and benefit purposes, among others, "the word 'marriage' means only a legal union between one man and one woman as husband and wife."

Edith Windsor and Thea Clara Spyer were a committed couple for more than 40 years, and "domestic partners" under New York law since 1993. But like many same-sex couples, they craved marriage, and thanks to Canadian law, they had it for two years before Spyer died in 2009.

Then came the federal tax bill to Windsor for Spyer's estate: $363,053 higher than an opposite-sex married couple would have paid, thanks to DOMA. Windsor sued for a refund.

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Garrett Epps is a contributing writer for The Atlantic. He teaches constitutional law and creative writing for law students at the University of Baltimore. His latest book is American Justice 2014: Nine Clashing Visions on the Supreme Court.

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