Politics & Prose November 2003

Who Can Beat George W. Bush?

The pundits are whispering that either Dean or Gephardt is likely to be the Democratic nominee. Which one of them can win?

Who can beat George W. Bush? First in Iowa, then in New Hampshire, then in states from South Carolina to Washington, all Democratic caucus or primary voters will be asking that question. Not all will vote their answer—some will vote for the candidate who best espouses their beliefs no matter his chances—but many will. Primary elections usually turn on "electability."

A just-released SurveyUSA poll shows Howard Dean leading Dick Gephardt in Iowa by 31 to 26, but the methodolgy of this poll is irregular, and other polls have shown him either tied with or slightly behind Gephardt. In New Hampshire, Dean is the clear front-runner. Anything can happen, but the informed buzz from pundits and party operatives is that one of them will be the nominee.

That they speak to historically distinct parts of the Democratic-primary electorate argues for a two-man race. Dean appeals to more upscale issue-oriented liberals and their college-age children angry over the war in Iraq and the Democratic leadership's failure to stand up to Bush on that and other issues, Gephardt to blue-collar interest-driven Democrats and older voters concerned primarily with economic security. Dean is the insurgent, Gephardt the regular—the classic antithesis of Democratic nomination fights.

Another candidate could emerge, but let's assume this primary sprint will come down to Dean vs. Gephardt. Which man would be the stronger candidate against the President?

They share a liability that makes them weaker candidates than the other Democratic prospects: they would repeal all of the Bush tax cuts. Senators Kerry, Edwards, and Lieberman, as well as General Wesley Clark, would repeal only the cuts for the wealthiest Americans, leaving in place the child tax credit and other elements of the cuts for the middle class. In the first presidential debate, if either Dean or Gephardt is the nominee, George W. Bush will point to his opponent and say, "If your family income is $40,000 a year, this man will raise your taxes by over $1,200"—and for once, he'd be telling the truth about the distribution of his tax cuts. Gephardt or Dean would counter, "Yes, Mr. President, but with that $1,200 we will fund health insurance and education programs worth much more than that to middle-income families." But the programs are promises; the $1,200 savings is cash in hand.

That debate moment is the best argument for nominating someone other than Gephardt or Dean.

The main issue difference between them is the Iraq war. Gephardt, as House Minority Leader, helped draft the language of the resolution authorizing Bush to use force against Saddam Hussein. Recently he voted for Bush's $87 billion request to fund the troops in Iraq and Afghanistan and make a down-payment on the rebuilding of both countries. Dean opposed the war and the $87 billion. According to the conventional wisdom, Dean is not electable because he opposed the war. But Dean can argue that, on the contrary, the polls suggest he is electable for just that reason.

Just a few months ago Bush's re-election seemed certain based on the war in Iraq. Now, "Bush's identification with the Iraq War is a net negative for his reelection," Ruy Teixeria, of the Century Foundation, concludes in his analysis of three polls conducted in early November. This reversal happened in three stages as the Bush Administration, having won the war, tragically miscalculated what it would take to win the peace. First Bush's approval ratings for his general handling of foreign affairs fell; then his ratings for handling Iraq fell; finally, in the most recent polls, his ratings for handling the "war on terror" have fallen beneath 60 percent for the first time since September 11. Bush has called the guerrilla war in Iraq "the central front in the war on terror," thereby linking failure in the one with failure in the other. The 79 percent of Americans who believe the war on terror either has not changed or has been worsened by Iraq have taken him at his word.

Bush's misstatements about Iraq's attempts to procure nuclear material, along with his unsubstantiated claims about Iraq's WMD and its "imminent threat" to the U.S., have also weakened his reputation for integrity, which, along with his handling of foreign affairs, was thought to be his main political asset. Fifty-three percent think he either withheld information about Iraq in the lead-up to war or lied. Only 42 percent see him as "honest and frank." Ominously for Bush, 60 percent of Independents hold these views.

More bad news from Iraq will only cause Bush's poll numbers to sink lower, and a recently leaked CIA report predicts that even worse news—more dead American soldiers, more bombed buildings, more chaos—may lie ahead. Iraq, in short, could become Bush's biggest electoral liability.

Presented by

Jack Beatty is a senior editor at The Atlantic Monthly and the editor of Colossus: How the Corporation Changed America, which was named one of the top ten books of 2001 by Business Week. His previous books are The World According to Peter Drucker (1998) and The Rascal King: The Life and Times of James Michael Curley (1992). More

Jack Beatty"The Atlantic Monthly is an American tradition; since 1857 it has helped to shape the American mind and conscience," senior editor Jack Beatty explains. "We are proud of that tradition. It is the tradition of excellence for which we were awarded the National Magazine Award for General Excellence. It is the tie that binds us to our past. It is a standard we won't betray."

Beatty joined The Atlantic Monthly as a senior editor in September of 1983, having previously worked as a book reviewer at Newsweek and as the literary editor of The New Republic.

Born, raised, and educated in Boston, Beatty wrote a best-selling biography of James Michael Curley, the Massachusetts congressman and governor and Boston mayor, which Addison-Wesley published in 1992 to enthusiastic reviews. The Washington Post said, "The Rascal King is an exemplary political biography. It is thorough, balanced, reflective, and gracefully written." The Chicago Sun-Times called it a ". . . beautifully written, richly detailed, vibrant biography." The book was nominated for a National Book Critics' Circle award.

His 1993 contribution to The Atlantic Monthly's Travel pages, "The Bounteous Berkshires," earned these words of praise from The Washington Post: "The best travel writers make you want to travel with them. I, for instance, would like to travel somewhere with Jack Beatty, having read his superb account of a cultural journey to the Berkshire Hills of western Massachusetts." Beatty is also the author of The World According to Peter Drucker, published in 1998 by The Free Press and called "a fine intellectual portrait" by Michael Lewis in the New York Times Book Review.

How to Cook Spaghetti Squash (and Why)

Cooking for yourself is one of the surest ways to eat well. Bestselling author Mark Bittman teaches James Hamblin the recipe that everyone is Googling.

Join the Discussion

After you comment, click Post. If you’re not already logged in you will be asked to log in or register.

blog comments powered by Disqus


How to Cook Spaghetti Squash (and Why)

Cooking for yourself is one of the surest ways to eat well.


Before Tinder, a Tree

Looking for your soulmate? Write a letter to the "Bridegroom's Oak" in Germany.


The Health Benefits of Going Outside

People spend too much time indoors. One solution: ecotherapy.


Where High Tech Meets the 1950s

Why did Green Bank, West Virginia, ban wireless signals? For science.


Yes, Quidditch Is Real

How J.K. Rowling's magical sport spread from Hogwarts to college campuses


Would You Live in a Treehouse?

A treehouse can be an ideal office space, vacation rental, and way of reconnecting with your youth.

More in National

More back issues, Sept 1995 to present.

Just In