McCrery, age fifty-one, is the Republican to watch on health care, according to several prominent Republican policy analysts. Also a member of Congress since 1988, he has studied the issue intensively in recent years, and argues that smart politics and sound policy require Republicans to shed their traditional view that health is not "their" issue. McCrery is among those being named as possible successors to Bill Archer, the retiring chairman of Ways and Means, in the scramble expected if the Republicans hold the House this fall.
McDermott scores 85 percent "liberal," McCrery 83 percent "conservative," on rankings compiled by National Journal, a Washington-based politics and policy magazine. They voted opposite ways on ten of twelve important votes tracked by that magazine in the past Congress. Personally, too, as I couldn't help noticing while they kibbitzed in McDermott's office, they're a study in contrasts. McDermott is a big man with a hearty laugh, whose boisterous energy seems better suited to the stump than to the Freudian couch. McCrery is slender and soft-spoken. He had to be asked to speak up for my tape recorder.
Staffers for both men had been pressing me for days for a write-up of the plan I had said I would offer as a point of departure for our talk. In the end, however, I decided that putting anything in writing was too risky -- it would be combed by staff members for unacceptable terms and could easily become a pretext for cancellation. Now, while a photographer posed McDermott and McCrery in unnaturally close positions, the two men, who plainly like each other, cracked uneasy jokes about what they had gotten themselves into. Finally they sat down -- McDermott on my left, of course, and McCrery on my right -- on a standard-issue government couch, beneath a wall of photos that included Mahatma Gandhi and a younger, dark-haired McDermott with Ted Kennedy. McDermott, smiling, said he appreciated the gesture his colleague had made by agreeing to meet in the office of the minority party. The tension soon eased, and they took off their jackets; in the event, they put off meetings and skipped a vote to extend an hour of planned conversation to nearly two.
WE began. I sketched out an approach that my interviews with them, with their House and Senate colleagues, and with assorted analysts and interest groups had suggested could gather broad support. The basic idea would be to offer people a tax credit usable for the purchase of a health-insurance policy (and to pay the
amount of the credit directly to those too poor to owe income taxes). It would be generous enough to buy a decent "Chevrolet" from among competing private health plans. Individuals would have access to some form of insurance pool to ensure affordable group rates. It might be phased in to establish a system parallel to today's employer-based coverage -- offered first, perhaps, to those not covered by either a government plan (such as Medicaid) or a company. The idea would be to avoid giving employers an incentive to drop existing coverage in the near future. Over time, however, it could move the nation away from a system centered on coverage offered by employers to one in which individuals received subsidies and were responsible for -- and perhaps mandated to buy -- their own coverage in the private market.
Obviously, a hundred difficult details are glossed over in this sketch, I said, but something similar was outlined repeatedly by the diverse group I consulted. Could something like this be the beginning of a deal? What follows is a compressed account of the conversation.
McDermott spoke first. "In order to get us off dead center," he said, "we've got to try something in the middle here and see if it'll work. I'm so frustrated by having spent thirty years watching it get worse that I'm willing to try practically anything to get us moving."
"Jim's not going to get what he wants [that is, a single-payer system] anytime soon," McCrery said. "I or some right-wing person is not going to get an unfettered market, which is the individuals fending for themselves. So if we want to solve the problem, we've got to come up with something that's kind of a combination. I think that's possible along the tax-subsidy lines. If we don't do anything, if we just keep going like we're going, eventually I think we'll end up with single-payer. We'll end up with the government controlling just about everything in health care."
This was an argument that McCrery had made to me earlier: that the tendency today to put a patch here and a quick fix there, typified by the push for an HMO patients' "bill of rights," leads inexorably toward heavy-handed federal solutions. "That might take forty years or fifty years," he continued, "but we're going that way now. So I'm willing to accept a lot more government intervention in the market than I normally would to create a system that will have some vestige of the market left in it."
We turned to the key components of a potential health deal, starting with benefits. If a tax subsidy were used, "there would be the element of different levels of health care for different people," McCrery said. "Somebody who is wealthier is probably going to buy a policy that would be richer in benefits than the basic benefit package that I would pay one hundred percent for from the government. That would enable the market to continue to be more innovative than under a single-payer system."