The First Inaugural Address (March 4, 1861)
The Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation (September 22, 1862)
The Emancipation Proclamation (January 1, 1863)
The Gettysburg Address (November 19, 1863)
The Second Inaugural Address (March 4, 1865)
Since its inception in 1857, The Atlantic had been a proponent of abolition and a mouthpiece for the rhetoric of freedom. Throughout the late 1850s and 1860s, some of the nation's most respected and influential voices—Ralph Waldo Emerson and James Russell Lowell (two of the magazine's founders), Harriet Beecher Stowe, Frederick Douglass, Charles Sumner, Julia Ward Howe—contributed essays, poems, stories, and songs to The Atlantic, decrying the secessionist cause and the institution of slavery.
"Civilization depends on morality," Emerson wrote in "American Civilization" (April, 1862, Atlantic), and he went on to argue that America's special mission among nations, to seek "the greatest good of the greatest number," had been severely undermined by slavery.
We have attempted to hold together two states of civilization: a higher state, where labor and the tenure of land and the right of suffrage are democratical; and a lower state, in which the old military tenure of prisoners or slaves, and of power and land in a few hands, makes an oligarchy.... But the rude and early state of society does not work well with the later, nay, works badly, and has poisoned politics, public morals, and social intercourse in the Republic, now for many years.
The times put this question,—Why cannot the best civilization be extended over the whole country, since the disorder of the less civilized portion menaces the existence of the country? Is this secular progress we have described, this evolution of man to the highest powers, only to give him sensibility, and not to bring duties with it? Is he not to make his knowledge practical? to stand and to withstand? Is not civilization heroic also? Is it not for action? has it not a will?
Emerson conceded that the North's political and often moral ambivalence toward slavery had marked it with a large share of the guilt (a sentiment that would later be echoed, as Wills demonstrates, in Lincoln's Second Inaugural), and then went on to state unequivocally that emancipation would be the only remedy.
In this national crisis, it is not argument that we want, but that rare courage which dares commit itself to a principle....
We cannot but remember that there have been days in American history, when, if the Free States had done their duty, Slavery had been blocked by an immovable barrier, and our recent calamities forever precluded. The Free States yielded, and every compromise was surrender, and invited new demands. Here again is a new occasion which Heaven offers to sense and virtue. It looks as if we held the fate of the fairest possession of mankind in our hands, to be saved by our firmness or to be lost by hesitation....
Emancipation is the demand of civilization. That is a principle; everything else is an intrigue.
As though addressing Lincoln himself, tempting him with the promise of his place in history, Emerson concluded, "It is very certain that the statesman who shall break through the cobwebs of doubt, fear, and petty cavil that lie in the way, will be greeted by the unanimous thanks of mankind."
Lincoln's preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, signed on September 22, 1862, called for the "gradual abolishment of slavery within the respective limits" of the rebel states as of January 1, 1863. In "The President's Proclamation" (November, 1862, Atlantic) Emerson responded to Lincoln's act, instantly mythologizing it with these opening words:
In so many arid forms which States incrust themselves with, once in a century, if so often, a poetic act and record occur. These are the jets of thoughts into affairs, when, roused by danger or inspired by genius, the political leaders of the day break the else insurmountable routine of class and local legislation, and take a step forward in the direction of catholic and universal interests. Every step in the history of political liberty is a sally of the human mind into the untried future, and has the interest of genius, and is fruitful in heroic anecdotes.
Most important to Emerson was that the proclamation firmly set the North's political and military agenda, even as it showed the world that the United States would now pay more than mere lip service to the idea of freedom.
The force of the act is that it commits the country to this justice,—that it compels the innumerable officers, civil, military, naval, of the Republic to range themselves on the line of this equity.... It is not a measure that admits of being taken back. Done, it cannot be undone by a new Administration.... This act makes that the lives of our heroes have not been sacrificed in vain....
With this blot removed from our national honor, this heavy load lifted off the national heart, we shall not fear henceforward to show our faces among mankind. We shall cease to be hypocrites and pretenders, but what we have styled our free institutions will be such.
When Robert E. Lee surrendered at Appomattox on April 9, 1865, the nation sought to begin, however uncertainly, the difficult process of healing and rebuilding. Tragically, Lincoln's assassination on April 14, 1865, sent any plan for a peaceable antebellum reconstruction and reconciliation into political oblivion. Andrew Johnson benefitted neither from Lincoln's political and moral wisdom nor from the wartime powers Lincoln had held. The Thirteenth Amendment, ratified in December of 1865, officially freed African-Americans from bondage, but the battle for equality had only begun. As Garry Wills writes, noting Johnson's overt racial hostility, "The executive mansion was a darker place in every way when Lincoln was removed from it, and from us. The Second Inaugural is the towering measure of our loss."