Of all the problems besetting the poor inner-city black
community, none is more pressing than that of interpersonal violence and
aggression. It wreaks havoc daily with the lives of community residents
and increasingly spills over into downtown and residential middle-class
areas. Muggings, burglaries, carjackings, and drug-related shootings, all
of which may leave their victims or innocent bystanders dead, are now
common enough to concern all urban and many suburban residents. The
inclination to violence springs from the circumstances of life among the
ghetto poor--the lack of jobs that pay a living wage, the stigma of race,
the fallout from rampant drug use and drug trafficking, and the resulting
alienation and lack of hope for the future.
Simply living in such an environment places young people at special risk
of falling victim to aggressive behavior. Although there are often forces
in the community which can counteract the negative influences, by far the
most powerful being a strong, loving, "decent" (as inner-city residents
put it) family committed to middle-class values, the despair is pervasive
enough to have spawned an oppositional culture, that of "the streets,"
whose norms are often consciously opposed to those of mainstream society.
These two orientations--decent and street--socially organize the
community, and their coexistence has important consequences for residents,
particularly children growing up in the inner city. Above all, this
environment means that even youngsters whose home lives reflect mainstream
values--and the majority of homes in the community do--
must be able to handle themselves in a street-oriented environment.
This is because the street culture has evolved what may be called a code
of the streets, which amounts to a set of informal rules governing
interpersonal public behavior, including violence. The rules prescribe
both a proper comportment and a proper way to respond if challenged. They
regulate the use of violence and so allow those who are inclined to
aggression to precipitate violent encounters in an approved way. The rules
have been established and are enforced mainly by the street-oriented, but
on the streets the distinction between street and decent is often
irrelevant; everybody knows that if the rules are violated, there are
penalties. Knowledge of the code is thus largely defensive; it is
literally necessary for operating in public. Therefore, even though
families with a decency orientation are usually opposed to the values of
the code, they often reluctantly encourage their children's familiarity
with it to enable them to negotiate the inner-city environment.
At the heart of the code is the issue of respect--loosely defined as being
treated "right," or granted the deference one deserves. However, in the
troublesome public environment of the inner city, as people increasingly
feel buffeted by forces beyond their control, what one deserves in the way
of respect becomes more and more problematic and uncertain. This in turn
further opens the issue of respect to sometimes intense interpersonal
negotiation. In the street culture, especially among young people, respect
is viewed as almost an external entity that is hard-won but easily lost,
and so must constantly be guarded. The rules of the code in fact provide a
framework for negotiating respect. The person whose very appearance--
including his clothing, demeanor, and way of moving--deters transgressions
feels that he possesses, and may be considered by others to possess, a
measure of respect. With the right amount of respect, for instance, he can
avoid "being bothered" in public. If he is bothered, not only may he be in
physical danger but he has been disgraced or "dissed" (disrespected). Many
of the forms that dissing can take might seem petty to middle-class people
(maintaining eye contact for too long, for example), but to those invested
in the street code, these actions become serious indications of the other
person's intentions. Consequently, such people become very sensitive to
advances and slights, which could well serve as warnings of imminent
physical confrontation.
This hard reality can be traced to the profound sense of alienation from
mainstream society and its institutions felt by many poor inner-city black
people, particularly the young. The code of the streets is actually a
cultural adaptation to a profound lack of faith in the police and the
judicial system. The police are most often seen as representing the
dominant white society and not caring to protect inner-city residents.
When called, they may not respond, which is one reason many residents feel
they must be prepared to take extraordinary measures to defend themselves
and their loved ones against those who are inclined to aggression. Lack of
police accountability has in fact been incorporated into the status
system: the person who is believed capable of "taking care of himself" is
accorded a certain deference, which translates into a sense of physical
and psychological control. Thus the street code emerges where the
influence of the police ends and personal responsibility for one's safety
is felt to begin. Exacerbated by the proliferation of drugs and easy
access to guns, this volatile situation results in the ability of the
street oriented minority (or those who effectively "go for bad") to dominate the
public spaces.
DECENT AND STREET FAMILIES
ALTHOUGH almost everyone in poor inner-city neighborhoods is struggling
financially and therefore feels a certain distance from the rest of
America, the decent and the street family in a real sense represent two
poles of value orientation, two contrasting conceptual categories. The
labels "decent" and "street," which the residents themselves use, amount
to evaluative judgments that confer status on local residents. The
labeling is often the result of a social contest among individuals and
families of the neighborhood. Individuals of the two orientations often
coexist in the same extended family. Decent residents judge themselves to
be so while judging others to be of the street, and street individuals
often present themselves as decent, drawing distinctions between
themselves and other people. In addition, there is quite a bit of
circumstantial behavior--that is, one person may at different times
exhibit both decent and street orientations, depending on the
circumstances. Although these designations result from so much social
jockeying, there do exist concrete features that define each conceptual
category.
Generally, so-called decent families tend to accept mainstream values more
fully and attempt to instill them in their children. Whether married
couples with children or single-parent (usually female) households, they
are generally "working poor" and so tend to be better off financially than
their street-oriented neighbors. They value hard work and self-reliance
and are willing to sacrifice for their children. Because they have a
certain amount of faith in mainstream society, they harbor hopes for a
better future for their children, if not for themselves. Many of them go
to church and take a strong interest in their children's schooling. Rather
than dwelling on the real hardships and inequities facing them, many such
decent people, particularly the increasing number of grandmothers raising
grandchildren, see their difficult situation as a test from God and derive
great support from their faith and from the church community.
Extremely aware of the problematic and often dangerous environment in
which they reside, decent parents tend to be strict in their child-rearing
practices, encouraging children to respect authority and walk a straight
moral line. They have an almost obsessive concern about trouble of any
kind and remind their children to be on the lookout for people and
situations that might lead to it. At the same time, they are themselves
polite and considerate of others, and teach their children to be the same
way. At home, at work, and in church, they strive hard to maintain a
positive mental attitude and a spirit of cooperation.
So-called street parents, in contrast, often show a lack of consideration
for other people and have a rather superficial sense of family and
community. Though they may love their children, many of them are unable to
cope with the physical and emotional demands of parenthood, and find it
difficult to reconcile their needs with those of their children. These
families, who are more fully invested in the code of the streets than the
decent people are, may aggressively socialize their children into it in a
normative way. They believe in the code and judge themselves and others
according to its values.
In fact the overwhelming majority of families in the inner-city community
try to approximate the decent-family model, but there are many others who
clearly represent the worst fears of the decent family. Not only are their
financial resources extremely limited, but what little they have may
easily be misused. The lives of the street-oriented are often marked by
disorganization. In the most desperate circumstances people frequently
have a limited understanding of priorities and consequences, and so
frustrations mount over bills, food, and, at times, drink, cigarettes, and
drugs. Some tend toward self-destructive behavior; many street-oriented
women are crack-addicted ("on the pipe"), alcoholic, or involved in
complicated relationships with men who abuse them. In addition, the
seeming intractability of their situation, caused in large part by the
lack of well-paying jobs and the persistence of racial discrimination, has
engendered deep-seated bitterness and anger in many of the most desperate
and poorest blacks, especially young people. The need both to exercise a
measure of control and to lash out at somebody is often reflected in the
adults' relations with their children. At the least, the frustrations of
persistent poverty shorten the fuse in such people--
contributing to a lack of patience with anyone, child or adult, who
irritates them.
In these circumstances a woman--or a man, although men are less
consistently present in children's lives--can be quite aggressive with
children, yelling at and striking them for the least little infraction of
the rules she has set down. Often little if any serious explanation
follows the verbal and physical punishment. This response teaches children
a particular lesson. They learn that to solve any kind of interpersonal
problem one must quickly resort to hitting or other violent behavior.
Actual peace and quiet, and also the appearance of calm, respectful
children conveyed to her neighbors and friends, are often what the young
mother most desires, but at times she will be very aggressive in trying to
get them. Thus she may be quick to beat her children, especially if they
defy her law, not because she hates them but because this is the way she
knows to control them. In fact, many street-oriented women love their
children dearly. Many mothers in the community subscribe to the notion
that there is a "devil in the boy" that must be beaten out of him or that
socially "fast girls need to be whupped." Thus much of what borders on
child abuse in the view of social authorities is acceptable parental
punishment in the view of these mothers.
Many street-oriented women are sporadic mothers whose children learn to
fend for themselves when necessary, foraging for food and money any way
they can get it. The children are sometimes employed by drug dealers or
become addicted themselves. These children of the street, growing up with
little supervision, are said to "come up hard." They often learn to fight
at an early age, sometimes using short-tempered adults around them as role
models. The street-oriented home may be fraught with anger, verbal
disputes, physical aggression, and even mayhem. The children observe these
goings-on, learning the lesson that might makes right. They quickly learn
to hit those who cross them, and the dog-eat-dog mentality prevails. In
order to survive, to protect oneself, it is necessary to marshal inner
resources and be ready to deal with adversity in a hands-on way. In these
circumstances physical prowess takes on great significance.
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