An exiled journalist talks about the prospects of bringing a free press to a country whose government has imprisoned scores of his colleagues.
The
Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) says a record 232 journalists
are currently imprisoned around the world, with Turkey being the worst
offender. In a report released December 11, the U.S.-based media
watchdog says 49 journalists are behind bars in Turkey -- a NATO member
and EU candidate country -- compared with 45 in Iran and 32 in China.
The CPJ says most of the imprisoned Turkish journalists are Kurdish
reporters and editors held on terror-related charges and in connection
with alleged antigovernment plots. Turkey was already subjected to harsh
criticism in an EU progress report in October, which listed freedom of
expression, as well as the right to a fair trial, as areas of particular
concern. I talked to exiled Turkish journalist
Dogan Ozguden, the head of the Brussels-based Journalists' Association
of Turkey, about the report's findings.
There is still an arrest warrant in your
name in Turkey, the country which you left decades ago to escape jail.
You risk being thrown in jail for insulting the Turkish military by
calling for the democratization of the country after years of military
dictatorship. How would you rate press freedom in Turkey?
I am a 76-year-old journalist, and from the beginning
of my career I have not seen anything else than [journalist]
prosecutions. Turkey is now an EU candidate, and it has promised to
fulfill all the obligations in the democracy and liberty fields. In the
beginning, [Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's] Islamist government
said it will respect all the criteria. But unfortunately for the past
three or four years, the pressure on the opposition -- and particularly
on the press -- increased.
The Committee to Protect Journalists said in its
report that broadly worded antiterrorism and penal code articles allow
Turkish authorities "to conflate the coverage of banned groups and the
investigation of sensitive topics with outright terrorism or other
antistate activity." How accurate is this statement?
[The Islamist government is] using the pretext of
supporting terrorist movements to arrest all the journalists who are not
considered "reasonable" by Erdogan's government.
Prime Minister Erdogan's government has pushed forward
with the prosecution and conviction of hundreds of army officers accused
of plotting a coup. Prosecutors have said that what they called
Operation Sledgehammer was a conspiracy by the army to trigger a coup
against Erdogan's elected government, an accusation sharply rejected by
the army, which has long seen itself as the guarantor of the country's
secular constitution. The country is also in the grips of a decades-long
Kurdish insurgency. Could these be reasonable arguments for a harsher
attitude toward those suspected of supporting the alleged conspirators
or Kurdish terrorists?
Under the pretext of combating the military putchists,
they've arrested many people who have nothing to do with the military
conspirators' movement. Most important, in terms of Kurdish journalists
-- they are in different prisons in Turkey under the accusation of
supporting the PKK. Any declaration, any criticism, or any call for
Kurdish rights is considered support for the terrorist movement.
Many journalists, even not Kurdish journalists who are defending the
fundamental rights of the Kurds or other minorities -- Assyrians,
Armenians, and Greeks -- are considered terrorists or defenders of
terrorism.
What are the most prominent cases of journalists currently imprisoned for exercising their profession?
The most spectacular one is about 16 journalists --
among them, Mustafa Balbay, from the daily "Cumhuriyet," [and]
television journalists Tuncay Ozkan and Soner Yalcin, who have been in
prison for more than two years [for allegedly supporting the army
plotters] and [whose] trial is continuing.
After that, there are many Kurdish journalists -- particularly from the
"Azadiya Welat" Kurdish newspaper or Dicle News Agency. They are
subjected to prosecution continuously.
Do you think that the international community is doing
enough to bring about a change in the way the government deals with
freedom of expression?
I am very thankful to the international professional
organizations like the Committee to Protect Journalists, or the
International Press Institute, or the International Federation of
Journalists, or Reporters Sans Frontieres. They are always very
attentive at defending the imprisoned Turkish or Kurdish journalists.
They have accepted that these people are accused and prosecuted and
condemned because of ideas, not for their political activities or
terrorist activities. All these organizations are unanimously defending
all journalists in Turkish prisons.
Turkey is an important player in the Middle East and its
contribution to regional stability is substantial, especially during
this period of growing instability in places like Syria or Egypt. Is the
balancing act by NATO and the EU in their relations with Turkey
successful enough?
As for the international institutions like NATO, the
European Union, the Council of Europe, even the United Nations,
unfortunately they are not so attentive toward these burning questions
[on human rights and freedom of expression]. For example, the relations
with the Turkish regime are maintained without taking into consideration
all these violations of press freedom. These institutions and
organizations should change their attitude and put more pressure on the
Turkish government.
But the EU on October 10 issued a very critical progress report on candidate Turkey...
Yes, critical, I agree. But there is no practical
pressure. They say that these, these, and these [rights] are not
respected. OK, but what is the result? The result should be sanctions
against the Turkish government. But such sanctions are not being
applied. Why? Because of geopolitical and strategic issues, the problems
with the Middle East countries, and for all these reasons, despite
their criticism, they are not applying sufficient pressure on the
Turkish regime.
You yourself have been subjected in absentia to an
arrest warrant under the notorious Article 301, whose abolition has been
demanded by many rights watchdogs. Can you describe Article 301?
For example, insulting the president of the republic
or the prime minister or the Turkish Army. If you criticize one of these
institutions, there is always the Article 301 of the Turkish penal
code. And naturally, there are many private trials opened [under Article
301] by Prime Minister Erdogan against many journalists demanding very
high fines for insulting [him].
This post appears courtesy of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty.
This article available online at:
http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/12/turkeys-problem-with-media-freedom/266169/