Can Ukraine Win Its Information War With Russia?

Scrappy news outlets are emerging in Kiev to counter the Kremlin.
Ousted President Viktor Yanukovich appears on Ukrainian TV, in February (Alex Kuzmin/Reuters)

Vladimir Putin may be playing cat and mouse with Ukraine on the military front, but Russia has long mobilized the big battalions in its international information war: the Kremlin spends hundreds of millions of dollars on English-language broadcasting, intellectual influencers, PR firms, and cultural-diplomacy campaigns.

Ukraine, meanwhile, has no international voice or image. The Ukrainian writer Oksana Zabuzhko captured this dilemma in her 1996 novel Fieldwork in Ukrainian Sex, when the heroine tries to promote the nation at conferences around the world, only to be continually asked, “Ukraine? Where’s that?” Even those who have heard of Ukraine have few associations with the country beyond prostitution, gangsters, the odd sports star—and now its revolution and ongoing conflict with Moscow. Into this informational vacuum Russian propaganda can project narratives that suit the Kremlin's geopolitical needs—whether that means slurring Ukrainians as fascists or promoting the idea that Ukraine is not a real country and thus destined for invasion.

So what can Ukraine do to strike back? How do you win a modern information war against a far more powerful enemy? When I traveled to Ukraine recently, first to lecture students on Russian propaganda and then to meet with members of the Ukrainian media, I repeatedly heard a new buzzword, “informational sovereignty,” though everyone seemed to have a different idea about what exactly it entailed.  

Euromaidan PR (the PR stands for Public Responsibility), founded during the protests that ousted Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, consists of some 200 English-speaking volunteers in Ukraine and abroad. These volunteers, who range from geologists to restaurant owners, debunk Russian disinformation on Facebook (24,000 followers), Twitter (35,000 followers), and the organization's blog (13,000 views per day). In March, for instance, the group circulated photos that, according to Russian media, showed columns of refugees fleeing Ukraine to Russia. The pictures actually depicted everyday traffic between Ukraine and Poland.

“We’re basically translators and editors. We see something in Russian propaganda and react,” said Alya Shandra, the 29-year-old coordinator of Euromaidan PR, as we lunched on soup in Kiev. During the protests, Shandra left her job at the Kiev Bicycle Association to run the site, and sometimes spends up to 18 hours a day on the project. “We don’t trust the big Ukrainian TV stations and rely on smaller, independent sources like Ukrayinska Pravda or Hromadske TV to check our information,” she explained. Most of the larger Ukrainian TV stations are owned by oligarchs, each pursuing his own agenda, and their commitment to objective information is questionable. 

The Ukraine Crisis Media Center is a beefier operation. The Center runs press briefings—featuring everyone from EU commissioners to civic leaders—out of the third floor of the Hotel Ukrayina, which overlooks Kiev’s central square, or Maidan. It has called out misinformation such as a Guardian article alleging that neo-Nazis had taken power in Kiev.

“We’re a bunch of five PR and advertising firms who realized the government wasn’t coping in getting information out,” Vasyl Myroshnychenko, one of the leading organizers of the Center, told me when I stopped by his office, which is full of brochures and posters from his firm’s usual work marketing the likes of CNN and Google in Ukraine. “Normally we compete with each other for commercial contracts, but we realized this was a national emergency, and after a midnight meeting decided to partner up.”

Fighting false information is only part of the challenge, however; dismantling Kremlin networks and narratives is tougher.

“I was in the U.S. recently and was surprised how many people on the Hill sympathize with Russia,” Myroshnychenko said. “There’s a whole expert community which has been wined and dined by Moscow, taken to Putin’s annual think-tank gathering at the Valdai. How many are on the boards of Russian companies or funded by Russian sources? We need a monitoring system to name and shame pro-Russian influencers, so they start to feel the heat. And we need to start introducing the world to our new government: we have a president and a prime minister who speak English, ministers educated in the U.S. and U.K. Ukraine needs to do direct marketing to convince the world we’re not, as the Russians claim, a failed state.”

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Peter Pomerantsev is a TV producer based in London. He is the author of a forthcoming study on Russia's weaponization of information, culture, and money, and a forthcoming book, Nothing Is True and Everything Is Possible, about working inside Vladimir Putin’s postmodern dictatorship.

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