How Syria's Jihadists Win Friends and Influence People

Groups like al-Nusra are turning to charity stunts and service provision to ensure they have a loyal following even after Assad.
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A fighter from the Islamist Syrian rebel group Jabhat al-Nusra rides a motorcycle along a deserted street in Deir al-Zor. (Khalil Ashawi/Reuters)

As the mellifluous sounds of a jihadist nasheed -- an Islamic chant -- washed over the excited spectators, two lines of bearded salafists, including masked fighters, stared each other down. The crowd, which included dozens of children, broke into cries of Allahu Akbar! Allahu Akbar! Then it began.

 

The two rival groups pulled the thin, well-worn rope with all the strength they could muster. Despite great effort, the outcome was inevitable: the group headed by the man in an open-collared, purple-striped shirt was overpowered. The crowd erupted into cheers and more cries of Allahu Akbar! as their opponents triumphed in the tug-of-war match.

This contest, held at a "fun day" oriented toward children that the al-Qaeda-affiliated Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham hosted in July, is representative of a broader phenomenon. Syrian jihadist groups have been busy not only fighting the regime, but also erecting state-like institutions and publicizing their own charitable acts. This strategy is designed to enhance their public image and to co-opt important levers of power. While there have been notable contributions examining dawa, or missionary efforts, undertaken by salafi groups in the post-Arab Spring environment (such as Ansar al-Sharia in Tunisia), Syrian jihadists have much more capacity to take over traditional instruments of the state while attempting to win converts to their cause.

The first charitable effort publicized online by Syrian jihadists was carried out by Jabhat al-Nusra, a group best known in the U.S. for its connections to al-Qaeda. In August 2012, Nusra posted a video of a convoy that it drove around to feed villages in eastern Syria. Loaded with cucumbers, tomatoes, canned products, rice, potatoes, cooking oil, bread, and other staples, their trucks could be identified by small paper signs bearing the group's name, as well as the organization's characteristic black flag. The posted video also featured car bombings and other acts of violence, all overlaid by a nasheed. The narrative structure of the video depicted these acts of charity as an intrinsic part of jihad.

Provision of aid has been a constant for Nusra and other Syrian jihadists. In December 2012, for example, Nusra bagged and supplied bread for Deir al-Zour's starving residents. The video that the group released of its provision of services demonstrated the growing bureaucratization of Nusra's aid efforts: by that point, it had established Qism al-Ighatha, or the Relief Department, which was charged with such efforts.

With this aid apparatus, Nusra has been able to consistently publicize its provision of services, including offering health care to the needy. Similarly, the Syrian salafi force Ahrar al-Sham has a section on its website dedicated to its own social service efforts, with constant posts documenting its work. It's worth noting that this publicity isn't always indicative of consistent delivery of services: various hardline groups have been known to post their efforts to social media immediately, even though they only represent sporadic assistance to the community. Social media may in this way serve as a force multiplier that makes their charitable efforts seem more powerful than they really are.

Regardless, since Nusra's establishment of its Relief Department, it has been able to diversify the assistance it provides. For example, the group has been involved in trash collection, and it has even released a video showing off its brand-new fire truck.

One of the more bizarre recent turns--bizarre, that is, to outsiders--is the aforementioned "fun day" for kids that the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Shame hosted. In addition to tug of war and other athletic contests, they handed out Teletubbies and Spiderman dolls to the children in attendance.

Presented by

Daveed Gartenstein-Ross and Phillip Smyth

Daveed Gartenstein-Ross is a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and an adjunct assistant professor in Georgetown University’s Security Studies Program. Phillip Smyth is a researcher with the University of Maryland's Institute for Advanced Computer Studies. He writes about Syria-based jihadist movements for Jihadology.

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