Living in Terror Under a Drone-Filled Sky in Yemen

Children fear "planes that shoot" as communities grieve lost loved ones.
A boy stands next to his grandmother, Noor Awad al-Houla, 60, at their house in the southern Yemeni town of Jaar on February 1, 2013. The woman suffered a stroke that left her paralyzed after an air strike hit a neighboring house last year that was targeting al Qaeda-linked militants. (Khaled Abdullah Ali Al Mahdi/Reuters)

A small house, once made of large cement blocks, is reduced to rubble in a sea of untouched homes and shops in Jaar, a town in South Yemen's Abyaan governorate. There are no signs of life where that house once stood -- no photos, furniture, and certainly no people left behind. In May 2011, the house was struck by a drone -- American, the locals say. Some believe the sole occupant, a man named Anwar Al-Arshani, may have been linked to Al Qaeda, although he kept to himself, so no one knows for sure. As Al-Arshani's house smoldered from the powerful blow, townspeople frantically rushed to inspect the damage and look for survivors. And then, just as the crowd swelled, a second missile fired. Locals say 24 people were killed that day, all of them allegedly innocent civilians.

Eighteen-year-old Muneer Al-Asy was among them. His mother Loul says she knows nothing about America -- not of its democracy or politics or people or values. All she knows is that it killed her son. She cannot read and does not own a television. Like many in her village, she says Al-Qaeda is "very bad," but the thought of her youngest son being killed by an American missile haunts her dreams at night. She screams in fury at the people who took her son: "criminals!" She rocks anxiously back and forth on her sole piece of furniture -- a long cushion in her single-room home -- recalling the day her son was "martyred" by a U.S. drone. "I am like a blind person now," says Loul. "Muneer was my eyes."

Thousands of miles from Washington, where the debate rages on over the moral and legal implications of using unmanned aerial vehicles for lethal targeting, the names and faces of many of the victims paints a somber picture. Some are fathers who can no longer buy food and medicine for their children. Some are kids whose only crime in life was skipping out on studies to play soccer with friends. Some are expectant mothers who were simply in the wrong place at the wrong time. As the U.S. focuses attention on the successful targeting of names on the notorious "kill list," the number of innocent civilians killed by U.S. drones on the rise -- threatening to destroy families, spark resentment, and fuel Al-Qaeda recruitment.

While strikes in Pakistan have been recorded since at least June 2004, drones have become more common in Yemen in recent years, used to weed out and eliminate members of Al Qaeda's notorious Arabian Peninsula network (AQAP). AQAP has been linked to recent schemes including the foiled 2012 underwear bomb plot, as well as for parcel bombs intercepted before reaching synagogues in Chicago in 2010. The drone program has seen some successes, including strikes on high-profile targets like Saeed al-Shihri, a Saudi citizen who co-founded AQAP, and senior operatives Samir Khan and Anwar al-Awlaki. The latter was a preacher who often delivered his provocative sermons in English and, like Khan, was at one time an American citizen.

However, with the growing use of so-called "signature strikes" -- attacks against suspected but unidentified targets -- there have been increasingly troubling signs that many victims are deemed guilty by association. Having committed no crime, their names not part of any list and in some cases, not even known.

The targeting of Awlaki's son, 16-year-old Abdulrahman, a minor and an American citizen at the time of the October strike that killed him, has triggered a fiery debate on Capitol Hill over the limits of this technology if American citizens can be killed overseas so unapologetically. Abdulrahman hadn't seen his father in two years when he was killed. He had no known links to Al-Qaeda and is said to have lived the life of an ordinary teenage boy similar to any in America.

AQAP "is a huge problem," Farea Al-Muslimi, a Yemeni activist and analyst who recently testified at the first U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee about the drone wars, addressing an attack on his own village, said in an interview. "What you're doing is making any counter efforts to AQAP more problematic. It has set the rules of the game. They have no problem with getting shot. Even if they die, there is a new generation rising up inside the organization."

U.S drone attacks in Yemen skyrocketed to 53 last year, almost triple the number of attacks in 2011, according to Washington-based think tank the New America Foundation. The civilian casualty rate from those strikes is estimated between 4 percent and 8.5 percent. The George W. Bush administration, by contrast, only launched one drone attack in Yemen in its eight years. In Pakistan, the Obama administration has deployed at least 316 drone strikes since assuming office, versus the 52 strikes conducted by the Bush administration. One of few international organizations attempting to compile statistics on drone-linked deaths, the London-based Bureau for Investigative Journalism (TBIJ), estimates the number of civilians killed in confirmed drone strikes in Yemen is as high as 45 people. However, that does not include the unconfirmed, covert strikes, which TBIJ estimates could account for as many as 136 additional civilian deaths to date. Civilian deaths in Pakistan since 2004 have totaled anywhere from 411 to 884 - with children accounting for as many as 197 of those deaths, TBIJ said.

Presented by

Vivian Salama

Vivian Salama is a freelance journalist who reports on the Middle East.

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