To 'Bibi' or Not to 'Bibi'

American politicians almost exclusively refer to the Israeli prime minister by his first name. They gain points, but is diplomacy diminished?


(Ronen Zvulun/Reuters)

When the subject of Iran's nuclear program came up during last night's vice presidential debate, Joe Biden began talking about his friend, Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. Biden likes to play up his long-standing connections with foreign leaders, so mentioning Netanyahu by name was not in itself surprising. The odd part is that Biden never referred to Netanyahu in any way but "Bibi," which is Netanyahu's often-used nickname.

While Netanyahu is referred to as Bibi in a number of settings (in line with Israelis' proclivity toward nicknames, especially in the military), Biden's use of his friend's nickname stood out in a formal political debate. Even more noticeable is that Biden initially referred to "Bibi" without even providing his last name or his position as prime minister of Israel. It is impossible to imagine this happening with any other world leader, but Biden did it repeatedly and with ease when it came to Netanyahu.

It is easy to chalk this up to Biden's generally informal nature, or his desire to create a contrast between his own decades of foreign policy experience and Ryan's relative dearth of foreign policy chops. Yet even if Biden did so unintentionally, there are some lessons to be learned from the vice president's colloquialism about Netanyahu and the current state of the U.S.-Israel relationship.

Biden's use of "Bibi" is a reminder of just how long Netanyahu has been on the world stage, and more importantly how ubiquitous his presence in the U.S. has been during this period. Netanyahu has addressed Congress in his capacity as prime minister, testified before congressional committees as a private citizen, been a regular guest on American political talk shows, and made excellent use of his fluent and barely-accented English to give accessible interviews to U.S. media outlets. In short, Netanyahu is probably the world leader to whom Americans are most exposed.

This means that both American politicians and average Americans have a real sense of familiarity with Netanyahu, and in some cases may feel as if they know him intimately. Biden felt that he could refer to the Israeli prime minister by his informal nickname without any introduction or context on national television without having to worry that Americans watching at home would be confused about whom he was talking about. As soon as Biden referred to Bibi, everyone knew that the conversation had now switched to Israel. Netanyahu's constant presence in the U.S. and exposure to Americans gives him a degree of credibility with the public here by virtue of familiarity that other world leaders do not have, and that is a powerful tool that Netanyahu is able to wield.

But this familiarity is a double-edged sword. Biden and other politicians can casually refer to Bibi and it indicates a sense of comfort with the man, but it also signals that Netanyahu is not always taken seriously or at face value. Netanyahu has been warning that an Iranian bomb is imminent since the early 1990s, and there are many at this point who tune out his dire language given how long he has been using it. In September 2002, Netanyahu testified before the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform that "there's no question" that Saddam Hussein had a nuclear program, adding, "If anyone makes an opposite assumption or cannot draw the lines connecting the dots, that is simply not an objective assessment of what has happened. Saddam is hell-bent on achieving atomic bombs, atomic capabilities, as soon as he can." As it turned out, Netanyahu's assessment was not exactly on the mark, and this episode added to the sense that his rhetoric does not always line up with the facts.

Presented by

Michael Koplow

Michael J. Koplow is the program director of the Israel Institute and a Georgetown University Ph.D. candidate in Government specializing in the Middle Eastern politics and democratization. He has written for Foreign Policy and Security Studies, and writes regularly at Ottomans and Zionists.

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