European media coverage of the 17-year-old's killing seems to reinforce pre-2008 ideas about race in the U.S.
A streetside memorial for Trayvon Martin Reuters
Sometimes, media coverage of a story becomes a story in its own right. It happened with Occupy Wall Street this past fall. Now it is happening with the Trayvon Martin case, where an unarmed African American 17-year-old was shot and killed by a neighborhood watch captain who claims he acted in self defense.
Much of the European media coverage portrays the incident as part of a larger trend: what they seem to see as the pervasive and enduring problem of American racism.
European outlets, of course, aren't the only ones to suggest that Trayvon Martin's death, and particularly the lack of a local police investigation, involved racism. That's a premise of the recenthoodieprotests in the U.S., as well. Race and racism lie at the heart of the Trayvon Martin uproar in the U.S.
European coverage seems to call out the racism in the Trayvon Martin case as a clear continuance of U.S. history. A Spanish headline announced that Martin's death has "reopened debate in the U.S." Multiple Frenchsummaries refer to Martin's "murder," rather than -- as mainstream American papers print to avoid controversy and to be legally consistent -- his "death," "shooting," or "killing." Most significantly, articles tend to connect Trayvon Martin, American history, and Barack Obama.
European newspapers do not speak with one voice, nor do they necessarily reflect the views of all ordinary Europeans. But certain common European assumptions about America are clearly discernible in the European Trayvon Martin coverage. As Charles Hawley wrote in Der Spiegel immediately after the 2008 election: "America, many Europeans were certain, was far too racist a country to elect a black man to occupy the White House."
Now, this sentiment is popping up again. An article in Germany's Die Welt refers to "America's original sin is slavery, its daily scourge of violence." It also brings up the NRA. An article in Italy's La Repubblica also calls out the NRA, the "powerful gun lobby," and brings up "the fanatical alter boy from Pennsylvania, Rick Santorum," as well as the so-called birthers.
As disparate as these different references may seem, there's a common theme. It's not just that Trayvon Martin's death involved racism, seems to be the European perspective, but that this racism is uniquely American. It is, from across the Atlantic, seen as the counter-evidence to Barack Obama's election.
Though this point is only made explicitly in a few articles -- Uwe Schmitt sees the case as "plung[ing] the country into racial conflict that seemed after Obama's election to be suppressed and almost forgotten" -- it's lurking within many, many others. Vittorio Zucconi suggests that Barack Obama has been ignoring racial issues and that Trayvon Martin has forced him to confront them. He and others seem to mean that Americans have been ignoring racial issues, for which Barack Obama was their cosmetic fix. Trayvon Martin has forced Americans to confront the complacency they acquired in electing Obama.
You can agree or disagree with this reading. What's clear, however, is that the Trayvon Martin case is starting to look like Rorschach test not only among American media outlets but in European ones as well. If the individuals writing these articles actually believed, back in 2008, that America was "too racist" to elect a black president, the Martin case, then, presents the perfect datapoint for reverting assumptions to the earlier, pre-Obama baseline for American racism. And that seems to be exactly how it's being interpreted.
The Democratic insurgent’s campaign is losing steam—but his supporters are not ready to give up.
SANTA MONICA, Calif.—This is how a revolution ends: its idealism tested, its optimism drained, its hope turned to bitterness.
But if Bernie Sanders’s revolution has run aground in California, which will be one of the last states to vote in the Democratic primary on June 7, he was not about to admit it here, where thousands gathered on a sun-drenched high-school football field of bright green turf.
“We are going to win here in California!” Sanders said, to defiant cheers. In the audience, a man waved a sign that says, “Oh HILL no!”
This is Sanders’s last stand, according to the official narrative of the corrupt corporate media, and if there is anything we have learned in the past year, it is the awesome power of the official narrative—the self-reinforcing drumbeat that dictates everything.
A rock structure, built deep underground, is one of the earliest hominin constructions ever found.
In February 1990, thanks to a 15-year-old boy named Bruno Kowalsczewski, footsteps echoed through the chambers of Bruniquel Cave for the first time in tens of thousands of years.
The cave sits in France’s scenic Aveyron Valley, but its entrance had long been sealed by an ancient rockslide. Kowalsczewski’s father had detected faint wisps of air emerging from the scree, and the boy spent three years clearing away the rubble. He eventually dug out a tight, thirty-meter-long passage that the thinnest members of the local caving club could squeeze through. They found themselves in a large, roomy corridor. There were animal bones and signs of bear activity, but nothing recent. The floor was pockmarked with pools of water. The walls were punctuated by stalactites (the ones that hang down) and stalagmites (the ones that stick up).
A year after Obama saluted the families for their spirit of forgiveness, his administration seeks the death penalty for the Charleston shooter.
On Tuesday, Attorney General Loretta Lynch announced she would seek the death penalty for Dylann Roof. It has not been a year since Roof walked into Emmanuel African Methodist Episcopal church and murdered nine black people as they worshipped. Roof justified this act of terrorism in chillingly familiar language—“You rape our women and you’re taking over our country.” The public display of forgiveness offered to Roof by the families of the victims elicited bipartisan praise from across the country. The president saluted the families for “an expression of faith that is unimaginable but that reflects the goodness of the American people.” How strange it is to see that same administration, and these good people, who once saluted the forgiveness of Roof, presently endorse his killing.
Nicholas and Erika Christakis stepped down from their positions in residential life months after student activists called for their dismissal over a Halloween kerfuffle.
Last fall, student protesters at Yale University demanded that Professor Nicholas Christakis, an academic star who has successfully mentored Ivy League undergraduates for years, step down from his position as faculty-in-residence at Silliman College, along with his wife, Erika Christakis, who shared in the job’s duties.
The protesters had taken offense at an email sent by Erika Christakis.
Dogged by the controversy for months, the couple finally resigned their posts Wednesday. Because the student protests against them were prompted by intellectual speech bearing directly on Erika Christakis’s area of academic expertise, the outcome will prompt other educators at Yale to reflect on their own positions and what they might do or say to trigger or avoid calls for their own resignations. If they feel less inclined toward intellectual engagement at Yale, I wouldn’t blame them.
Narcissism, disagreeableness, grandiosity—a psychologist investigates how Trump’s extraordinary personality might shape his possible presidency.
In 2006, Donald Trump made plans to purchase the Menie Estate, near Aberdeen, Scotland, aiming to convert the dunes and grassland into a luxury golf resort. He and the estate’s owner, Tom Griffin, sat down to discuss the transaction at the Cock & Bull restaurant. Griffin recalls that Trump was a hard-nosed negotiator, reluctant to give in on even the tiniest details. But, as Michael D’Antonio writes in his recent biography of Trump, Never Enough, Griffin’s most vivid recollection of the evening pertains to the theatrics. It was as if the golden-haired guest sitting across the table were an actor playing a part on the London stage.
“It was Donald Trump playing Donald Trump,” Griffin observed. There was something unreal about it.
The latest entry in the long-running comic-book franchise shows how much it’s been outstripped by its superhero-movie rivals.
One of the few memorable moments in X-Men: Apocalypse, the latest, gaudiest, and certainly laziest entry in the long-running franchise, is centered around its best character, Magneto. Often a villain, sometimes a grudging hero, Magneto has literally been through wars, surviving the Holocaust as a child, suffering persecution for his mutant powers, and even weathering a change in the actor portraying him (from Ian McKellen to Michael Fassbender). Apocalypse brings him back to Auschwitz to have him tear it apart in fury, turning the most solemn site of human suffering imaginable into yet another CGI miasma. Amid the tonal confusion, the only thing left to really admire about the sequence is its chutzpah.
A gay-rights amendment takes down a House appropriations bill, and with it might go the speaker’s grand plan to revive the congressional spending process.
The state-by-state fight for gay and transgender rights has reached the floor of the House of Representatives, and it is ruining Speaker Paul Ryan’s carefully-laid plans for reviving the congressional spending process.
Republicans and Democrats voted down an annual bill appropriating funds for energy and water programs on Thursday morning after Democrats succeeded in attaching an amendment to bar federal contractors from discriminating on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity. The provision drew bipartisan support only days after GOP leaders scrambled to defeat a similar amendment that Democrats tried to add to another appropriations bill—an embarrassing moment in which rank-and-file were cajoled into flipping their votes so the measure would fail. The attempt succeeded this time, but it became moot hours later when the underlying $37.4 billion measure went down in a landslide on a vote of 305-112, with majorities of both parties voting against it. The meltdown happened so quickly that it appeared to catch the House Appropriations Committee, which wrote the bill, off guard. The committee sent out a statement from Chair Hal Rogers with a headline heralding its passage just minutes before it was voted down; it was quickly rescinded.
Washington voters handed Hillary Clinton a primary win, symbolically reversing the result of the state caucus where Bernie Sanders prevailed.
Washington voters delivered a bit of bad news for Bernie Sanders’s political revolution on Tuesday. Hillary Clinton won the state’s Democratic primary, symbolically reversing the outcome of the state’s Democratic caucus in March where Sanders prevailed as the victor. The primary result won’t count for much since delegates have already been awarded based on the caucus. (Sanders won 74 delegates, while Clinton won only 27.) But Clinton’s victory nevertheless puts Sanders in an awkward position.
Sanders has styled himself as a populist candidate intent on giving a voice to voters in a political system in which, as he describes it, party elites and wealthy special-interest groups exert too much control. As the primary election nears its end, Sanders has railed against Democratic leaders for unfairly intervening in the process, a claim he made in the aftermath of the contentious Nevada Democratic convention earlier this month. He has also criticized superdelegates—elected officials and party leaders who can support whichever candidate they chose—for effectively coronating Clinton.
In recent years, the idea that educators should be teaching kids qualities like grit and self-control has caught on. Successful strategies, though, are hard to come by.
In 2013, for the first time, a majority of public-school students in this country—51 percent, to be precise—fell below the federal government’s low-income cutoff, meaning they were eligible for a free or subsidized school lunch. It was a powerful symbolic moment—an inescapable reminder that the challenge of teaching low-income children has become the central issue in American education.
The truth, as many American teachers know firsthand, is that low-income children can be harder to educate than children from more-comfortable backgrounds. Educators often struggle to motivate them, to calm them down, to connect with them. This doesn’t mean they’re impossible to teach, of course; plenty of kids who grow up in poverty are thriving in the classroom. But two decades of national attention have done little or nothing to close the achievement gap between poor students and their better-off peers.
It’s hard to say sorry. Especially when you’re doing it for a whole country.
When Barack Obama goes to Hiroshima on May 27, becoming the first sitting U.S. president to visit the site of the world’s first nuclear attack, he will not apologize on behalf of his country for carrying out that strike 71 years ago. He will neither question the decision to drop bombs on two Japanese cities, nor dwell on its results: the deaths of more than 200,000 people and the dawn of the atomic age. But he will affirm America’s “moral responsibility,” as the only nation to have used nuclear weapons, to prevent their future use. He will recognize the painful past, but he won’t revisit it. When it’s all over, we still won’t know whether or not he thinks there’s something about the atomic bombings to be sorry for.