China's bold but chimerical quest for soft power in the Islamic world
A Chinese government official at the Sino-Arab cooperation forum in Beijing, in front of an Arabic sign reading "cooperation" / AP
Arriving at a Guangzhou construction site on assignment for a Chinese newspaper in the summer of 2010, I was surprised to find a ruby-red mosque that looked more like a palatial Buddhist pagoda than anything I'd seen in the Middle East. Islam has deep roots in Chinese history, and is believed to have arrived in China with Saad ibn Abi Waqqas, the Prophet Mohamed's uncle, whom locals say was entombed in 664 AD in a dimly lit, musky hut not far from the newly constructed Chinese mosque.
The local government, devoted to the secular principle of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics that guides today's China, contributed 15 million yuan ($2.4 million), roughly 90 percent of the overall building costs for the mosque, according to Muslim community figures.
An imam charged with collecting donations from the region's Muslims for the rest of the construction fees told me the mosque was being built for Ramadan, but a Chinese official in the Guangzhou Ethnic and Religious Affairs Bureau intimated that the goal of the mosque was to "welcome China's Muslim partners at the Asian Games."
Of the 45 participating nations at the Games, more than half
were predominantly Muslim, including nations like Khazakstan that fuel China's
burgeoning economy with its vast reserves of oil, gas, and minerals. Some 30
percent of the food served at the Games was certified Halal.
Guangzhou's new Waqqas Mosque is one of many of China's recent forays into Islamic infrastructure -- a market that promises to earn Beijing as much in soft power with the resource-rich Muslim world as it does contract revenues.
China has even left its mark on Mecca. Early last year, the state-owned China Railway Construction Corporation put the finishing touches on the Mecca Light Rail, a metro linking Mecca and Medina, Islam's holiest cities in Saudi Arabia, allowing pious Muslims to perform the obligatory once-in-a-lifetime pilgrimage in air-conditioned comfort.
Most recently, Algerian authorities granted a coveted contract to build the Grand Mosque of Algiers, the latest of Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika's extravagant infrastructure projects, to the China State Construction Engineering Corporation (CSEC), a national enterprise with a broad portfolio of infrastructure projects in the developing world.
The mosque will be the third largest in the world, after those in Mecca and Medina, spanning some 400,000 square meters. And in a kind of my minaret is bigger than your minaret to Algeria's perennial adversary, Morocco, the mosque will tower at 300 meters, 90 more than Casablanca's King Hassan II Mosque.
Beating out construction firms from Algeria and Lebanon for the contract late last year, CSEC promised to complete the massive project in only four years for an astounding 109 billion Algerian dinars, or $1.5 billion.
When news of the contract first broke on ElWatan.com, the Web site for Algeria's leading independent newspaper, commenters lambasted the project, exclaiming in French that they'd rather anyone build the mosque than the "godless Chinese."
"Even an Israeli company would be better," one commenter wrote, "At least they believe in God."
But not everyone agrees.
"Religion doesn't and shouldn't interfere in the business world, I think that the Chinese company got the bid because it presented and justified the competitiveness of its performance," said Aziz Nafa, an Algerian economist specializing in developmental studies. The Algerian firm's proposal was $600,000,000 higher than the winning Chinese bid.
China has engaged in and often won a number of such cutthroat races to bring Islam to Muslims in Algeria and across the Muslim world. Analysts say that, after September 11, 2001, Islamic infrastructure projects have seen little competition from the United States.
"There is no question that China has reached out to Muslim-majority countries over the past ten years [since 9/11]," said Haris Tarin, director of the Washington D.C. office of Muslim Public Affairs Council (MPAC), a group advocating against Islamophobia in American society.
China's push to provide its international business partners with Islamic infrastructure, Tarin said, is part of a larger strategy to win over the Muslim world. Although many foreign Muslim individuals continue to do business with the United States, America has lost much of its soft power and economic discourse with the governments of many Muslim-majority nations over the past decade, leaving China an opening.
"China sees that strain. The EU, Brazil, and China will have the upper-hand with interests in Muslim-majority countries. We've got to deal with the reality and the dynamic changes in those countries," Tarin said, referring to such changes as the emergence of Islamist parties in post-revolutionary Tunisia and Egypt.
Chinese business and political leaders will sometimes admit that the People's Republic has sopped up U.S. business over the past decade, when U.S. foreign policy alienated much of the Muslim world and domestic changes made it exceedingly difficult for non-American Muslims to obtain U.S. working visas.
"After 9/11, a large bulk of Arab investment and business turned away from the U.S. and toward India and China," said Hussein Ma Hongjian, the Muslim Chinese President of the China-Arab Council for Investment Promotion. "America lost a large part of its Arab business."