Why Did the New Kyrgyz President Threaten to Close U.S. Airbase?

The new Kyrgyz President has said he wants to close down the U.S. airbase at Manas International Airport, near Bishkek. But do his feelings about the base really affect its existence?

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Kyrgyzstan's Prime Minister and presidential candidate Atambayev casts his ballot during the presidential election at a polling station / Reuters

Joshua Kucera flags an interesting article by Columbia professor Lincoln Mitchell:

The situation today is different. Atanbaev's [sic] position does not appear to be a case of simply trying to line his pockets with more American money, but has expressed his view based on his country's geographical and strategic proximity to Russia and a fear that having a U.S. air force base just outside of his country's capital could create security concerns for Kyrgyzstan. While this position is not what the U.S. wants to hear, it is also reasonable and can plausibly said to be representing the interests of the Kyrgyz people...

The U.S. is in a difficult, but not impossible, position of having to find a way to, at least in the short term, to continue access to Manas while avoiding undermining the vulnerable democratic aspirations and expressions of the Kyrgyz people which Atanbaev [sic] represents. The U.S. must work with Atambayev respectfully, avoiding threats and avoiding overpaying for access. Of course, if the Obama administration is serious about winding down the war in Afghanistan this task will be easier. A solution that allows both sides to claim some kind of victory, through a timeline or other similar commitments, and which offers some assistance to Kyrgyzstan is a plausible outcome to this conundrum.

The meat of his argument is, basically, that New Kyrgyz President Atambayev's public opposition to the U.S. base at Manas is about not only "representing the interests of the Kyrgyz people," but is meant to be a statement of intent to be taken seriously and is not, as I've argued, routine political messaging with very little teeth. (In his piece, Kucera reads a bit too much into what I wrote at that post -- I don't discount that some Kyrgyz dislike the base, I was merely noting that American policymakers try to assuage that dislike through extra payments).

So, is Atambayev's threat to close down Manas to be taken seriously? Is it a ploy? Is it truly representative of the wishes of the Kyrgyz public? Or is it just empty talk? There is a lot that goes into such a consideration. As Kucera put it:

It's safe to say that Atambayev, who hasn't been shy about his affinity for Russia, does not depend on the U.S. for political power. It would be too much to say that the outgoing president, Roza Otunbayeva, "depended" on the U.S., but she was about the most pro-American politician that Washington could hope for in Central Asia. And while she complained about the base, in particular the murky fuel supply arrangement, she focused on getting that agreement changed, not on getting the base removed altogether. But if Cooley's hypothesis holds, the more Russia-oriented Atambayev will be less conciliatory. And Manas's days really may be numbered.

This doesn't quite play well with Kucera's own hypothesis that U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan -- and subsequent supposed abandonment of Manas -- could potentially ratchet up tensions with Russia. For Moscow, Kucera argued recently for The Atlantic, "Cooperation on Afghanistan has been win-win, and its importance has cooled heads on both sides." So the fact of Atambayev being pro-Russia does not necessarily mean very much.

Presented by

Joshua Foust is a fellow at the American Security Project and the author of Afghanistan Journal: Selections from Registan.net. He is also a member of the Young Atlanticist Working Group. More

Joshua's research focuses on the role of market-oriented development strategies in post-conflict environments, and on the development of metrics in understanding national security policy. He has written on strategic design for humanitarian interventions, decision-making in counterinsurgency, and the intelligence community's place in the national security discussion. Previous to joining ASP, Joshua worked for the U.S. intelligence community, where he focused on studying the non-militant socio-cultural environment in Afghanistan at the U.S. Army Human Terrain System, then the socio-cultural dynamics of irregular warfare movements at the National Ground Intelligence Center, and later on political violence in Yemen for the Defense Intelligence Agency.

Joshua is a columnist for PBS Need to Know, and blogs about Central and South Asia at the influential blog Registan.net. A frequent commentator for American and global media, Joshua appears regularly on BBC World, Aljazeera, and international public radio. Joshua is also a regular contributor to Foreign Policy's AfPak Channel, and his writing has appeared in the New York Times, Reuters, and the Christian Science Monitor.


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