The Shoals of Tripoli

More

Obama must navigate rival agendas from the international coalition flying through Libyan skies. Is the mission to stop Qaddafi from harming civilians or to compel his surrender?

Tierney_Shoals_3-21_carousel.jpg


Libyan rebels patrol the center of Benghazi, eastern Libya, Sunday, March 20, 2011. AP.


And so it begins, with explosions lighting up the Libyan sky. But the allied campaign against Muammar Qaddafi doesn't answer the most basic question of all: What exactly is the objective?


Strategy is about using our capabilities to achieve well-defined aims. But in the Libyan operation, there's little clarity over the objectives. Some members of the alliance see the military as a shield to protect civilians; others view it as a sword to topple Qaddafi's regime. The first aim is defensive; the second is offensive. The first mission is to stop Qaddafi from harming civilians; the second is to compel his surrender. 

Caught between these rival agendas, Obama must navigate the shoals of Tripoli.

Different objectives call for different tactics. If we're trying to alleviate suffering, we need to negotiate with Tripoli. But if we demand unconditional surrender, there's little point in talking.

On one side of the coalition are the cautious warriors who view the intervening forces as a shield. This is a limited operation with narrow humanitarian goals: to degrade Qaddafi's ability to target civilians, and deter him from further atrocities.

According to UN Security Council Resolution 1973, the operation will "protect civilians and civilian-populated areas under threat of attack in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, including Benghazi, while excluding a foreign occupation force of any form on any part of Libyan territory."

The Secretary General of the Arab League, Amr Moussa, saw allied intervention as defensive: "The goal is to protect civilians first of all, and not to invade or occupy."

Similarly, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Mike Mullen claimed that the campaign could be a success even if Qaddafi remains in office: "the goals of this campaign right now are limited, and it isn't about seeing him go."

On the other side of the coalition are those who view the military as a sword to overthrow the tyrant. The UN resolution may prohibit an occupying army, but it also gives wide latitude to strike Qaddafi. Force can be used to protect "civilians" and also "civilian-populated areas under threat of attack"--virtually a blank check to attack the regime's military.

The French are firmly in the hawkish camp. Paris has already given diplomatic recognition to the Libyan rebels. One French government spokesman said that air strikes would "allow [the Libyan people] to go all the way in their drive, which means bringing down the Qaddafi regime." Meanwhile, British Prime Minister David Cameron claimed that Qaddafi "needs to go."

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton also used tough language: "if you don't get him [Qaddafi] out and if you don't support the opposition and he stays in power, there's no telling what he will do."

Meanwhile, Obama seems to be hedging his bets. The president avoided setting the target sights on Qaddafi, and described a "focused" mission to aid civilians. But Obama also said the Libyan dictator had lost "the legitimacy to lead" and must comply with far-reaching demands, including a ceasefire and a withdrawal of forces from Ajdabiya, Misrata, and Zawiya.

These divisions over war aims are not easy to paper over. After all, different objectives call for different tactics. If we're trying to alleviate suffering, we need to negotiate with Tripoli. But if we demand unconditional surrender, there's little point in talking.

The scope and difficulty of the missions also vary dramatically. We can readily stop the regime from conquering Benghazi--although this will hardly resolve the Libyan civil war.

But it's not at all clear how we achieve regime change. The UN resolution forbids an occupying army, and Obama has taken American ground forces off the table. The French called for the Libyan people to bring down the government. But we waited to act until Qaddafi had driven the rebels back to the gates of Benghazi. Now the rebels need to fight their way across North Africa again. Even with allied air cover, it could be a long road to victory.

The ties binding the alliance together could fray or break, undermining the war effort. Already, the head of the Arab League has reportedly condemned allied air strikes that killed Libyan civilians: "What is happening in Libya differs from the aim of imposing a no-fly zone, and what we want is the protection of civilians and not the bombardment of more civilians."

It will take all of Obama's political skill to resolve these tensions and prevent Qaddafi from driving a wedge between the allies so he can finish off the rebels.

Jump to comments

Dominic Tierney is associate professor of political science at Swarthmore College. He is the author of How We Fight: Crusades, Quagmires, and the American Way of War. More

Dominic Tierney is associate professor of political science at Swarthmore College, and a senior fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute. He completed his PhD in international politics at Oxford University and has held fellowships at the Mershon Center at Ohio State University, the Olin Institute at Harvard University, and the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard.

He is the author of Failing to Win: Perceptions of Victory and Defeat in International Politics (Harvard University Press, 2006), with Dominic Johnson, which won the International Studies Association award for the best book published in 2006, and FDR and the Spanish Civil War: Neutrality and Commitment in the Struggle that Divided America (Duke University Press, 2007).

His latest book is How We Fight: Crusades, Quagmires, and the American Way of War (Little, Brown 2010), which Ambassador James Dobbins, former Assistant Secretary of State for Europe, described as "A great theme, beautifully written and compellingly organized, it's a fitting update to Russell Weigley's classic [The American Way of War] and an important contribution to a national debate over the war in Afghanistan which is only gathering steam." (More on Facebook.)

Dominic's work has also appeared in The New York Times, The Los Angeles Times, TIME.com, and on NPR.
Get Today's Top Stories in Your Inbox (preview)

Video

More Video
Here's What Happens When You Light a Fire in Space


Elsewhere on the web

Join the Discussion

After you comment, click Post. If you’re not already logged in you will be asked to log in or register. blog comments powered by Disqus

Video

Miami: The Next Big Start-Up City?

How the city became a center for innovation

Video

Video

A Brief History of Romantic Comedies

From The Atlantic's Chris Orr

Video

Life in 'the New Arctic'

A moving portrait of a fading landscape

Video

Video

The Rise of New York City

A fascinating look at Manhattan in the 1940s

Video

What Is Methane Hydrate?

"Flaming ice" is a vast natural energy source

Video

NASA's Time-Lapse of the Sun

Now with epic dubstep music

Video

Shaken Not Tuned: Cocktail Experiments

Can a tuning fork improve a cocktail?

Video

Video

Is He Cheating? A 1950s Guide

'That little blonde secretary from the office?’

Video

New Yorkers: Vintage Vacuum-Tube Amps

Risking electric shock to restore old amplifiers

Video

The DIY Piano-Bicycle

Everybody needs a hobby

Video

What Does It Take to Make Real Craft Gin?

Tour the Green Hat Gin distillery

Video

What Straights Can Learn From Same-Sex Couples

New insight from decades of research

Video

The End of the Mall Rat

A tribute to that pillar of teen culture

Video

The Wonderful World of Capitalism

An adorable 1950s cartoon

Video

New Yorkers: Miss New York USA

An unconventional beauty queen.

Writers

Up
Down

More in Global

In Focus

Protests Spread Across Brazil

From This Author

Just In