The Psychology of Begging to Be Followed on Twitter

What possible reward could come from tweeting thousands of times at a celebrity?
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“Twitter is the best and Twitter is the worst.”

This was the response Dr. Marion Underwood, clinical psychologist and University of Texas at Dallas psychology professor, received from one of her 15-year-old daughter’s friends when she asked what the girl thought of the social networking juggernaut.

“I can’t get off of it,” the girl elaborated. “I can’t stop getting on Twitter.”

If these sound like the words of an "addict," it’s because they (at least kind of) are. Underwood was inspired to take her informal poll after watching the teen in question spend the entirety of her daughter’s birthday party glued to her phone, reading and sending tweets. What’s more, she says that social media can be highly addictive. Millennials are perpetually accused of self-centeredness, but it isn’t self-promotion, in and of itself, that they’re addicted to, Underwood says. It’s the positive reinforcement they receive from peers for doing it. For some teens, however, there’s a source of reinforcement even more addictive—and elusive—than their peers: their favorite celebrities.

A simple Twitter search reveals thousands of teens and tweens with accounts and handles dedicated to their favorite famous “friends.” It’s easy for them to think of celebrities as at least potential friends, after all. Where previous generations might pine over posters on their bedroom walls or write mushy love letters to a generic fan mail address, teens today have direct and almost unfettered access to their idols thanks to Twitter. Through the platform, teens can broadcast their thoughts not only to friends, family, and virtual peers, but to celebrities and public figures. (To a lesser extent, Instagram and Facebook serve this purpose as well.)

And teens and tweens are putting a lot out there. According to Pew Research from 2012, 92 percent of teens use their real names and post photos of themselves on social media. Furthermore, 71 percent share the name of their school and hometown, 82 percent share their birthdays and 24 percent share videos of themselves.

It isn’t just the content of tween and teen tweets that has some concerned, it’s also the volume.  Underwood says the volume of tweets and updates they send is more about creating opportunities for positive reinforcement than anything else. They crave the response and send tweets intended to elicit it.

“I think there are kids who are truly addicted to it,” she says. “It’s like the theory that someone who is a good comedian is just someone who tells a lot of jokes. You tell a lot of bad ones too, but the higher your output, the more likely some of them are to be funny. That’s what happens with Twitter. The more stuff kids put out there, the more likely it is that they get positive reinforcement for something.”

Repeated tweeting at, or spamming, celebrities in pursuit of acknowledgement (be it in the form of a follow, retweet, or reply) is incredibly common among young people. 

It’s not rare for a teen who is spamming to reach what is known as the tweet limit, something that the average user of the site might not even know exists. The tweet limit is 1,000 tweets per day, and many teens reach it regularly, especially when seeking the attention of a celebrity. It may seem excessive, but celebrities with millions of followers receive so many tweets, that it’s easy for even 1,000 to go unnoticed. Case in point: this video of Justin Bieber's Twitter mentions.

Reaching the tweet limit can happen by accident, but it’s often a premeditated decision. 

And even though logic would dictate that users shouldn’t take it personally when they fail to receive a response from a celebrity (even those that are extremely active on Twitter can only interact with a fraction of their followers), many teens do. They invest a lot of time and emotional real estate in this behavior and can lash out when it doesn’t achieve the desired effect. 

Finally, reaching the tweet limit has a negative impact on the user’s online social life. It’s the virtual equivalent of being awarded an in-school suspension; you’re still technically in the same space as your peers, but you’re unable to interact with them. Some teen and tween users have multiple accounts for just this purpose; when one hits the limit, they just jump to the next and continue tweeting above and beyond the 1,000 tweets per day limit imposed by Twitter. Others just express social isolation when they’ve reached the tweet limit—especially if a favorite celebrity chooses that time to do a follow spree (a brief period of time during which they actively engage and follow several users).

So why do teens continue to subject themselves to this disappointment and isolation over and over? Underwood says the answer can be found in basic behaviorism.

“The type of reinforcement schedule that is the most reinforcing is what’s called an intermittent schedule,” she explains. “So, you have a rat pushing a lever and he gets rewarded, but not in a predictable way. Many times, that animal pushes that lever and nothing comes, but every once in a while, it gets a great treat. So the rat keeps pressing and pressing and pressing even though there’s not much reinforcement coming because every once in a while, it’s just great.”

She admits it’s hardcore behaviorism to make this comparison, but says it’s explains a lot about our addiction to digital communication, and this doesn’t just apply to teens. Underwood suggests email as an adult equivalent, explaining that even though most email is utilitarian and boring (emails for work or junk mail, for example), every so often a “marvelously reinforcing” message (like exciting professional news or a letter from an old friend) will come through the pipeline. Those tiny nuggets of greatness peppered in lead many adults to check their email dozens of times a day. Where teens take things a step further is in their output.

“These adolescents are at an age where they’re so desperate for connectedness with their peer group,” Underwood explains. “They have this way that they can just lob out information, lob out communication to their whole group of peers and then get something back.”

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Kayleigh Roberts is an editor and writer based in Los Angeles.

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