D.C. Dispatch April 3, 2007

Not so long ago, when a journalist interviewed a presidential candidate, the news was about what the politican said. But as the flap over Katic Couric shows, the old rules no longer apply.

by William Powers

Trading Places

from National Journal

Article Tools

email E-mail Article
print Printer Format

Before the moment gets away from us, let's recap. John and Elizabeth Edwards announce that Elizabeth's cancer is back, but say that the campaign will go on. Next thing you know, everyone is talking about—Katie Couric. Not just talking, but obsessing and all but calling for her head.

The anti-Katie uproar was so massive on the Internet, a CBS News blog called Couric & Co. stepped in to say that the Edwardses were actually in the room with Couric, in case we had forgotten: "Reading over some of the comments on Katie's interview with John and Elizabeth Edwards, you can't help but be struck by a recurring theme: Viewers didn't like the questions and how they were asked. You would think that Katie was the only one doing any talking."

The point of the blog post was that the Edwardses' answers had been quite revealing, an argument that didn't fly with many readers. "SHAME on you Katie Couric what a hatchet job you did," one named "Cindiland" railed in a posted comment.

Not so long ago, when a journalist interviewed a presidential candidate, the news—and any ensuring uproar—was about what the politician said. Journalists in general, and network TV people in particular, wore the white hats. They seemed sane and real, and basically on our side. By contrast, the politicians they covered were, by and large, gasbags and hypocrites.

In 1992, 60 Minutes aired an interview with Bill and Hillary Clinton in which Bill was asked whether he had had an extramarital affair, which he unconvincingly denied. The interview became famous, and remains so today, because of what the Clintons said, especially Hillary's indignant: "I'm not sitting here, some little woman standing by my man like Tammy Wynette."

True, there was plenty of grumbling about the aggressiveness of that interview. But the after-coverage did not revolve around the verbal tics, facial expressions, and dark cosmic meaning of Steve Kroft, the reporter who conducted the interview.

The day after the Couric-Edwards chat, The Drudge Report was headlining, "COURIC'S CANCER GRILLING." And you could go to scads of Web sites to hear or watch montages just of Couric's questions, a number of which used some variation of the phrase "some people," as in "Some have suggested that you're capitalizing on this." Many read these as journalistic weasel words. Nora Ephron posted a wicked squib on this theme on The Huffington Post, and it was widely linked and pasted. Couric had her defenders, but they were a minority.

There's a reversal happening here. The politicians now seem relatively sane and well-adjusted, while the media people come off as needy egomaniacs. If the 2008 campaign were a stage play, somebody would be announcing: "The roles formerly played by Cronkite, Brinkley, and Jennings will be played by McCain, Giuliani, and Edwards. Richard Nixon will be played by Katie Couric."

OK, it's not that bad. But the atmosphere around Couric has turned poisonous. For a while, as her ratings surfed the bottom, she enjoyed some free-floating sympathy. But now the tone has shifted into the kind of popular animus normally reserved for corrupt public officials.

The Couric situation has become one big hypocrisy watch. Phoniness, remember, is a central motif of the campaign beat. Is Obama too good to be true? Does Giuliani have secret demons? Going into the Edwards interview, the candidate himself was on the watch list. Perhaps the devoted family man was really just a career-mad monster, a Svengali who would pursue the presidency at any cost to his loved ones.

But both Edwardses came off as utterly real and admirable, while Couric seemed the hypocrite in two ways: 1) Style. The hard-guy Mike Wallace shtick just isn't her, and 2) Substance. After her husband was diagnosed with cancer in the 1990s, Couric gamely forged on with her career. In short, she had been exactly where the Edwardses are now. This highly relevant fact was on every alert viewer's mind, yet she didn't even allude to it. Thus, as Paul Brownfield wrote in the Los Angeles Times, her effort "collapsed under the weight of the interview's essential lie."

What next? A finger-wagging denial? "Mistake were made"? Stay tuned. Our long national nightmare continues.

William Powers is a columnist for National Journal, a weekly magazine covering politics and government published in Washington, D.C.

Article Tools

email E-mail Article
Printer Format
Share

More from National Journal

Subscribe to our e-mail newsletter.

 

Recent Commentary from National Journal

August 7, 2007

Innocents in Prison

Many thousands of wrongly convicted people are rotting in prisons and jails around the country.

August 7, 2007

The Candidates' Four Detention Camps

Deciding what to do with jihadist operatives is the country's most urgent legal question. But there's little sign that the presidential candidates have given it much thought.

August 7, 2007

Crowd Control

Everybody's buzzing about citizen journalism. But the "journalism" could use some editing.

August 7, 2007

Democratic Slugfest

An exchange of blows between Hillary Rodham Clinton and Barack Obama was bound to happen.

July 31, 2007

Shortsighted on Judges

Senate Democrats are playing a dangerous political game in opposing confirmation of Leslie Southwick, a wellqualified judicial nominee from Mississippi.

July 31, 2007

Beyond Trade Adjustment Assistance

Workers who lose their jobs because of trade are no more deserving than workers whose jobs disappear for other reasons.

July 31, 2007

The Poverty Candidates

John Edwards made poverty an issue in his 2004 campaign for the White House. This time around, he has company: Barack Obama is also working to put poverty back on the political agenda.

July 24, 2007

Are the Democrats Serious?

Both sides deserve to lose the brewing battle between the White House and Congress over executive privilege.

July 24, 2007

Of Church and State

Religion now looms larger than economic class as a source of political division.

July 17, 2007

Flying Blind in a Red-Tape Blizzard

Based on spending, President Bush appears to be the biggest regulator since the Nixon-Ford years.


Name

Address 1

Address 2

City

State Zip

Email