The typical American family spends half its income on housing and transportation. The typical Egyptian family spends half its income on food.
This week, we looked at how health care, education, and cell phone bills have eaten into American budgets since the recession. But let's take the global view. What do family budgets look like in Egypt? Or Indonesia? Or China? The Credit Suisse Emerging Consumer Survey asks thousands of respondents across eight developing countries -- the three above plus India, Russia, Brazil, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey -- to say how they spend money on categories like cars, food, and phones. Those eight graphs, with key stats from the report, are below. Some light analysis for the road comes at the bottom.
GDP per capita: $1,382
Key stat from the Credit Suisse report: "70% of Indians say they have no computers in the home. Only 19% of respondents register having access to the internet."
Egypt GDP per capita: $2,892
Key stat: "There is [an] ongoing red flag raised by exposure to food with its near 50% claim on the household income of Egyptian consumers. Ironically, plans to cut government spending on food subsidies to strengthen state finances, could in itself increase inflation and undermine consumer sentiment."
Indonesia GDP per capita: $3,456
Key stat: "The risk that always exists for the Indonesian consumer is the sensitivity of food prices. Food consumes a large proportion of the household budget. Upward pressure on prices would threaten to crowd out other discretionary spending."
China GDP per capita: $4,833
Key stat: "The two categories that stand out are healthcare and education. The only country with comparable momentum in healthcare spending is Saudi Arabia. Only Saudi and India had stronger readings on extra educational spending ... At nearly 30% of monthly income, [China's savings] is the highest in the survey."
Turkey GDP per capita: $11,054
Key stat: "Expenditure in [housing] (at an estimated 24%) is the highest of any country in the survey. This looks to be more out of necessity than desire. The proportion of people registered as renting their property is among the highest in the survey. Turkish economic growth over the past decade, and the ensuing urbanization, has led to high inflation in the housing sector."
Brazil GDP per capita: $12,423
Key stat: "The Brazilian consumer continues to stand out as the most optimistic across our survey. Barely 7% of household income is registered as saved and over a half of respondents suggest they have no extra cash for savings. Given the strength of projected real income growth, this is extraordinary. It is more typical of the countries where the consumer is being seriously squeezed than one where finances seem robust."
Russia GDP per capita: $13,543
Key stat: "Despite the structural support there has been for the Russian economy in recent years from commodity prices, there has not been a notable trickle down to the average consumer. Optimism remains the lowest of the BRICs. The inequality of income suggests that growth opportunities are played mainly at the high-income end in Russia."
Saudi Arabia GDP per capita: $21,685
Key stat: "While inflation has been a negative factor in our emerging economies sur- veyed, including Saudi Arabia, there is a stabilizing effect from government pol- icy. Robust oil revenues (a driver of infla- tion for others) have provided govern- ment spending with the firepower to support public sector incomes and boost spending more generally. We have seen a government pledge to spend USD 130 billion on housing and job creation this year."
Two big ideas for the road: Houses and food. Everybody
needs somewhere to live and something to eat. But you can learn a lot
about a country by looking at housing and food spending. Here's how the
U.S., where middle-class families spend about a third of their income on
housing, compare to the developing economies in this survey.
And here's the story with food.
don't want to push this point too far, because these sort of surveys
have obvious limitations. Tremendous income inequality in developing
countries with hundreds of millions of people makes it impossible to
tell the story of the frothy middle class *in one graph.* But the bigger
picture is clear and uncontroversial. When families earn more income,
they can afford to eat more and buy more clothes, but the real shift is
from those essentials to bigger better houses, education, and health
Also notable about this brazen show of might is that the missiles traveled through two countries, Iran and Iraq, before hitting their 11 targets in Syria. This means that both countries either gave their permission or simply didn’t confront Putin about the use of their airspace on his birthday.
It leaves people bed-bound and drives some to suicide, but there's little research money devoted to the disease. Now, change is coming, thanks to the patients themselves.
This past July, Brian Vastag, a former science reporter, placed an op-ed with his former employer, the Washington Post. It was an open letter to the National Institutes of Health director Francis Collins, a man Vastag had formerly used as a source on his beat.
“I’ve been felled by the most forlorn of orphan illnesses,” Vastag wrote. “At 43, my productive life may well be over.”
There was no cure for his disease, known by some as chronic fatigue syndrome, Vastag wrote, and little NIH funding available to search for one. Would Collins step up and change that?
“As the leader of our nation’s medical research enterprise, you have a decision to make,” he wrote. “Do you want the NIH to be part of these solutions, or will the nation’s medical research agency continue to be part of the problem?”
Why Americans tend more and more to want inexperienced presidential candidates
The presidency, it’s often said, is a job for which everyone arrives unprepared. But just how unprepared is unprepared enough?
Political handicappers weigh presidential candidates’ partisanship, ideology, money, endorsements, consultants, and, of course, experience. Yet they too rarely consider an element of growing importance to voters: freshness. Increasingly, American voters view being qualified for the presidency as a disqualification.
In 2003, I announced in National Journal the 14-Year Rule. The rule was actually discovered by a presidential speechwriter named John McConnell, but because his job required him to keep his name out of print, I graciously stepped up to take credit. It is well known that to be elected president, you pretty much have to have been a governor or a U.S. senator. What McConnell had figured out was this: No one gets elected president who needs longer than 14 years to get from his or her first gubernatorial or Senate victory to either the presidency or the vice presidency.* Surprised, I scoured the history books and found that the rule works astonishingly well going back to the early 20th century, when the modern era of presidential electioneering began.
Forget the Common Core, Finland’s youngsters are in charge of determining what happens in the classroom.
“The changes to kindergarten make me sick,” a veteran teacher in Arkansas recently admitted to me. “Think about what you did in first grade—that’s what my 5-year-old babies are expected to do.”
The difference between first grade and kindergarten may not seem like much, but what I remember about my first-grade experience in the mid-90s doesn’t match the kindergarten she described in her email: three and a half hours of daily literacy instruction, an hour and a half of daily math instruction, 20 minutes of daily “physical activity time” (officially banned from being called “recess”) and two 56-question standardized tests in literacy and math—on the fourth week of school.
That American friend—who teaches 20 students without an aide—has fought to integrate 30 minutes of “station time” into the literacy block, which includes “blocks, science, magnetic letters, play dough with letter stamps to practice words, books, and storytelling.” But the most controversial area of her classroom isn’t the blocks nor the stamps: Rather, it’s the “house station with dolls and toy food”—items her district tried to remove last year. The implication was clear: There’s no time for play in kindergarten anymore.
“If the office is going to become a collection of employees not working together, it essentially becomes no different than a coffee shop.”
There’s plenty of research out there on the benefits of remote and flexible work. It’s been shown to lead to increased productivity, and has an undeniable benefit for work-life balance. But what does it do to everyone back at the office?
In a 2013 memo to workers explaining why the company was eliminating policies that allowed remote work, Jackie Reses, Yahoo’s head of human resources,argued that some of the “best decisions and insights come from hallway and cafeteria discussion,” and that actual presence in the office encourages better collaboration and communication.
What will happen to digital collections of books, movies, and music when the tech giants fall?
When you purchase a movie from Amazon Instant Video, you’re not buying it, exactly. It’s more like renting indefinitely.
This distinction matters if your notion of “buying” is that you pay for something once and then you get to keep that thing for as long as you want. Increasingly, in the world of digital goods, a purchasing transaction isn’t that simple.
There are two key differences between buying media in a physical format versus a digital one. First, there’s the technical aspect: Maintaining long-term access to a file requires a hard copy of it—that means, for example, downloading a film, not just streaming from a third party’s server. The second distinction is a bit more complicated, and it has to do with how the law has shaped digital rights in the past 15 years. It helps to think about the experience of a person giving up CDs and using iTunes for music purchases instead.
Somewhere in Europe, a man who goes by the name “Mikro” spends his days and nights targeting Islamic State supporters on Twitter.
In August 2014, a Twitter account affiliated with Anonymous, the hacker-crusader collective, declared “full-scale cyber war” against ISIS: “Welcome to Operation Ice #ISIS, where #Anonymous will do it’s [sic] part in combating #ISIS’s influence in social media and shut them down.”
In July, I traveled to a gloomy European capital city to meet one of the “cyber warriors” behind this operation. Online, he goes by the pseudonym Mikro. He is vigilant, bordering on paranoid, about hiding his actual identity, on account of all the death threats he has received. But a few months after I initiated a relationship with him on Twitter, Mikro allowed me to visit him in the apartment he shares with his girlfriend and two Rottweilers. He works alone from his chaotic living room, using an old, battered computer—not the state-of-the-art setup I had envisaged. On an average day, he told me, he spends up to 16 hours fixed to his sofa. He starts around noon, just after he wakes up, and works late into the night and early morning.
American politicians are now eager to disown a failed criminal-justice system that’s left the U.S. with the largest incarcerated population in the world. But they've failed to reckon with history. Fifty years after Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s report “The Negro Family” tragically helped create this system, it's time to reclaim his original intent.
By his own lights, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, ambassador, senator, sociologist, and itinerant American intellectual, was the product of a broken home and a pathological family. He was born in 1927 in Tulsa, Oklahoma, but raised mostly in New York City. When Moynihan was 10 years old, his father, John, left the family, plunging it into poverty. Moynihan’s mother, Margaret, remarried, had another child, divorced, moved to Indiana to stay with relatives, then returned to New York, where she worked as a nurse. Moynihan’s childhood—a tangle of poverty, remarriage, relocation, and single motherhood—contrasted starkly with the idyllic American family life he would later extol.
In the name of emotional well-being, college students are increasingly demanding protection from words and ideas they don’t like. Here’s why that’s disastrous for education—and mental health.
Something strange is happening at America’s colleges and universities. A movement is arising, undirected and driven largely by students, to scrub campuses clean of words, ideas, and subjects that might cause discomfort or give offense. Last December, Jeannie Suk wrote in an online article for The New Yorker about law students asking her fellow professors at Harvard not to teach rape law—or, in one case, even use the word violate (as in “that violates the law”) lest it cause students distress. In February, Laura Kipnis, a professor at Northwestern University, wrote an essay in The Chronicle of Higher Education describing a new campus politics of sexual paranoia—and was then subjected to a long investigation after students who were offended by the article and by a tweet she’d sent filed Title IX complaints against her. In June, a professor protecting himself with a pseudonym wrote an essay for Vox describing how gingerly he now has to teach. “I’m a Liberal Professor, and My Liberal Students Terrify Me,” the headline said. A number of popular comedians, including Chris Rock, have stopped performing on college campuses (see Caitlin Flanagan’s article in this month’s issue). Jerry Seinfeld and Bill Maher have publicly condemned the oversensitivity of college students, saying too many of them can’t take a joke.