Could Expensive Oil Be Good for the U.S. Economy?

Everybody knows that high gas prices hurt families and slow down business. It is possible that what everybody knows is wrong?

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An oilfield worker walks past the Statoil oil sands facility / Reuters

A basic disagreement lies at the root of many of today's most heated energy debates: some people think that expensive oil is bad for the United States, while others think that it's good. One side asserts that the economic benefits of cheap oil outweigh all else, while the other insists that the environmental and other damages stemming from inexpensive oil are clearly paramount.

Economists have a standard answer to this: low market prices for oil are good, but low consumer prices often aren't. Pursue policies that maximize potential supply, but tax oil consumption in order to internalize the damages, and presto, you've resolved your concerns. If the pro-oil dream is twenty dollar crude, and the anti-oil dream is hundred dollar oil, the economists' dream is twenty dollar oil and a two dollar per gallon gasoline tax.

But that option does not appear to exist in reality. This raises a big question: Are there conditions under which high market prices for oil could be beneficial? This isn't an easy question to answer, but it's an important one, so I'm planning to write a series of posts that tries to resolve it. (This is something of an experiment: if the posts add up to something solid, I'll turn their content into an article.) These are preliminary thoughts, and they might be wrong. Criticisms, particularly technical ones, are very much welcome.

One of the first things you realize when you start to think about this question is that the source of high oil prices matters to your conclusions. If, for example, oil prices rise because Saudi Arabia has cut back production, that has one set of consequences; if they rise because regulators have curbed U.S. production, that has another; and if they increase because Chinese oil demand is booming, that has a third. This post is going to focus on a simple and instructive, though ultimately unrealistic, case: I'm going to ask what happens if oil prices rise but nothing else changes (except as a result of that oil price increase). Think of this as a case where a country on the margins of the international economic system, and from which the United States doesn't buy oil, cuts its production a bit, raising prices. If you want a picture, that country might be Iran. And I'm going to focus on the long term - it's hard to imagine a case where short term price rises are beneficial.

I'm going to look at a $1 (i.e. 1 percent) increase in the oil price. This choice shouldn't make a difference to my conclusions. Let's also start with a few more assumptions to keep things concrete. We'll assume that world oil consumption is about 90 million barrels per day (mbd); U.S. oil consumption is about 20 mbd; U.S. oil imports are about 10 mbd; world oil prices are about $100 per barrel; and marginal damages from climate change are about $20 per ton of CO2. (The last figure is the social cost of carbon that the U.S. government uses in regulatory assessments.) I'll revisit several of these later.

How much does the oil price increase cost the U.S. economy? I'm going to focus on two long term consequences. The supply side impact should be equal to the fraction of oil in U.S. output multiplied by the decrease in U.S. oil consumption. Given our assumptions, oil consumption is equal to about 5 percent of the U.S. economy. If the long term elasticity of U.S. oil demand is about -0.5, our price increase leads to a 0.5 percent drop in U.S. oil consumption, and hence to a loss of 0.025 percent of U.S. GDP, or about $10 million each day. The second cost is the additional wealth transfer to the sources of U.S. oil imports. That's also equal to $10 million each day. That gives us a total cost of $20 million each day. My instinct is to offset that by the reduction in oil imports due to lower U.S. consumption, though I'm not certain that that's correct. Including that effect brings the net cost down to $15 million.

One might ask whether I should account for the fact that some of the money the United States sends abroad for oil comes back through purchases of goods and services by oil exporters, thus reducing the net cost. Strictly speaking, my guess is that the answer is yes. I'm going to ignore it, though. Other U.S. trading partners will also transfer wealth to the oil exporters as a result of the higher oil prices. The net impact will be more U.S. exports to the the oil exporters but fewer to other trading partners. Since most oil exporters have trade patterns tilted away from the United States, I'm basically underestimating the cost of higher oil prices.

But enough with the costs. What about the benefits of higher oil prices? Greenhouse gas emissions are the obvious place to start. If we assume that global elasticity of oil demand is -0.4, and that a barrel of oil is on average associated with about half a ton of greenhouse gas emissions, we get incremental damages of about 4 million dollars a day.

Presented by

Michael A. Levi is the David M. Rubenstein Senior Fellow for Energy and the Environment at the Council on Foreign Relations. His newest book is The Power Surge: Energy, Opportunity, and the Battle for America’s Future.

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