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Megan McArdle

Megan McArdle - Megan McArdle is a senior editor for The Atlantic who writes about business and economics. She has worked at three start-ups, a consulting firm, an investment bank, a disaster recovery firm at Ground Zero, and The Economist. She is currently on leave.
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Megan was born and raised on the Upper West Side of Manhattan, and yes, she does enjoy her lattes, as well as the occasional extra-dry skim-milk cappuccino. Her checkered work history includes three start-ups, four years as a technology project manager for a boutique consulting firm, a summer as an associate at an investment bank, and a year spent as sort of an executive copy girl for one of the disaster-recovery firms at Ground Zero � all before the age of 30.

While working at Ground Zero, Megan started Live From the WTC, a blog focused on economics, business, and cooking. She may or may not have been the first major economics blogger, depending on whether we are allowed to throw outlying variables such as Brad Delong out of the set. From there it was but a few steps down the slippery slope to freelance journalism. She has worked in various capacities for The Economist, where she wrote about economics and oversaw the founding of Free Exchange, the magazine's economics blog. She has also maintained her own blog, Asymmetrical Information, which moved to The Atlantic, along with its owner, in August 2007.

Megan holds a bachelor's degree in English literature from the University of Pennsylvania and an M.B.A. from the University of Chicago. After a lifetime as a New Yorker, she now resides in northwest Washington, D.C., where she is still trying to figure out what one does with an apartment larger than 400 square feet.

Markets in Everything: Campaign Influence

By Megan McArdle
Apr 11 2011, 8:12 AM ET Comment

James Hoffman, Oregon's GOP challenger in the 2010 Senate race, has an op-ed in the Wall Street Journal today making a rather novel argument: campaign contribution disclosure isn't good for Democracy.  While it informs voters about a candidate's support, he notes, it also informs incumbents about who has supported their political opponents.  And since incumbents are likely to win--and to have a lot of power--this makes businesspeople reluctant to finance challenges.


James Joyner sees this as the inevitable cost of transparency:  

There's no way to simultaneously inform voters about who's backing a candidate and keep that information secret from other candidate, including the incumbent. And it's quite plausible, indeed, that victorious incumbents will hold grudges against those who spent money trying to get them ousted.
Is that rational concern enough to justify making political donations secret? After all, the secret ballot-the notion that it's nobody's business who you're voting for-is a cherished part of of political culture and publishing one's donations pulls the veil off.

I've long toyed with the notion that we should go the other way: allow unlimited donations, including from corporations.  But force them to go through an institutions which strips off the names and pools the money, so it's impossible to see who donated, or even the size of the individual donations.  Once a month, you get a check from the campaign finance bank, and that's it.

I have no idea whether this would pass constitutional muster.  But it would certainly cripple lobbying via campaign contributions, while allowing people to give as much support as they wish to candidates who they think will further their interests.  The overall result would probably be much less money in politics, with candidates much more dependent on small donors.  And it's possible that this could advantage incumbents--who get free television time--even more.

On the other hand, when you think about the evils of a system that produces (at worst) influence peddling and (at best) our politicians wasting phenomenal amounts of time schnorring for $2,000 contributions, it's hard to see how a blind system could be worse.


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